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| The Mirafiori |
On 13 and 14 January 2011 was held in Mirafiori a referendum among the workers in the so-called "plan Marchionne.
The text of the Agreement, found at this link site FIM-CISL, has deeply divided the trade unions both in content both in the terms of the proposition.
The Agreement is in fact presented by Fiat, in the person of its CEO Sergio Marchionne as a real ultimatum: either the total acceptance of the text, or the gradual abandonment of Mirafiori until the total closure of the plant.
the most critical of which have actually caused the rift between FIOM, contrary to the agreement, and other unions, favor instead the Treaty refer essentially to:
- exception to the national contract (p. 2)
- opportunity for the company to lay off workers or groups of employees who act in a manner that violates the agreement anche senza valutazione del sindacato sulle infrazioni commesse (pagg. 3-5)
- diminuzione delle pause da un totale di 40 minuti (15-15-10) a 30 minuti (10-10-10); i 10 minuti recuperati in tal modo saranno oggetto di una retribuzione inferiore rispetto al normale stipendio e non concorreranno alla maturazione del TFR (pagg. 6-7)
- abolizione di paghe di posto, indennità disagio linea, premio mansione e premi speciali (pag. 9)
- per coloro che avranno cumulato più del 6% di assenze nel periodo gennaio-luglio 2010, e per coloro che avranno almeno tre assenze inferiori a cinque giorni riguardanti giorni precedenti a festivi o giorni di riposo, non verrà pagato alcun trattamento per il primo giorno di malattia (P. 10)
- if after 2011 the average rate of absence will not be dropped below 4% globally, and if after 2012 will not be dropped at least 3.5%, it will receive no treatment for the first two days disease (p. 11)
- layoffs without notice for a year (p. 14)
- mandatory unpaid training for workers laid off (p. 15)
- scheme shifts out of the legislation law (p. 17-20)
- appeal to 120 hours of overtime per person without prior notice for production delays, not related to the company (p. 23, 29)
- shift lunch break at the end of the shift (p. 24)
- only signatories to the trade unions could form their own group within the company (Annex 1)
- absence of any investment plan by the agreement, with only references in the Annexes
survey conducted among workers have finally laid down the following results (source FIM-CISL):
| Seat | Department | Yes Yes (%) | No No (%) | ||
| 1 | taping | 212 | 205 50.84 49.16 | ||
| 2 | taping | 202 | 218 48.10 51.90 | ||
| round 2 night | 262 | 70.24 111 29.76 | |||
| 3 | painting | 140 | 60.09 39.91 93 | ||
| 4 | painting | 113 | 102 52.56 47.44 | ||
| 5 | 421 employees | 95.47 | 20 | 4.53 | |
| 6 | mounting | 374 | 46.34 53.66 433 | ||
| 7 | mounting | 349 | 374 48.27 51.73 | ||
| 8 | mounting | 360 | 407 46.94 53.06 | ||
| 9 | mounting | 302 | 362 45.48 54.52 | ||
| Total | 2735 | 54.05 | 2325 | 45.95 |
Particularly important are the aggregation data by area:
| Department | Yes Yes (%) | No No (%) | ||
| taping | 414 49.46 423 | 50 , 54 | ||
| painting | 253 | 195 56.47 43.53 | ||
| used | 421 | 20 95.47 4.53 | ||
| mounting | 1385 | 46.77 | 1576 | 53.23 |
| night shift (not attached) | 262 | 211 70.24 29.76 |
The SI triumphs agreement between employees and also largely won in the paint shop, a highly automated department in which the presence of the working class is now reduced to the bone. In taping the NO is imposed measurement, and won convincingly in the assembly, the area where the FIOM is stronger and where the work of so-called "blue collar" is still the king.
Given the 54% obtained by SI, one can speak of victory Marchionne, then? Without a doubt, and without appeal, yes. But a victory
dictated by fear of the workers losing their jobs, and not for the strength of a convincing business plan for the future of Fiat.
Particularly significant in this regard is the work performed by thermometer Political :
Among those who voted Yes, 59% of respondents cited as justification for the need to save their jobs, 23% said that the agreement has limits but it is acceptable while only 18% expressed a positive opinion explicitly on the conditions of Marchionne. Net
the choice between those who came out for the No: 82% said it was a blackmail the company, while 9% indicated a reduction of breaks and an increase in shift work and overtime, the 6% restrictions on strikes and union representation, and 3% of the new limits on absences.
The first step is crucial: 59% of those who voted YES - we're talking about more than 1,600 workers at Mirafiori - did so largely for fear of being left without work.
The climate of "take it or leave it" imposed by Marchionne has contributed so heavily to move the vote of many workers, squeezed between the anvil of being subject to a real blackmail, as has been described by many of those who chose NO, and the hammer of threat of unemployment.
"Fiat to produce cars with or without Torino."
This was the slogan , not so hidden, Marchionne, this was the real issue on which it was decided the referendum. It was not the determining factor productivity, have not been subtle problem with business plans, there was no talk of new green engine, electric or hybrid cars, research and innovation. Marchionne did not even
needed to undertake to promise something more than the much continued operation of the plant because the workers at Mirafiori had no real alternative.
But who in Italy had the power, the right and duty to take the side of employers and employees? Who could offer an alternative plan Marchionne? Obviously politics, especially local and national.
The Republic recognizes all citizens the right to work and promotes conditions to fulfill this right.
Every citizen has a duty to perform according to their ability and individual choice, activity or function that contributes to the material or spiritual della società.
Così recita l'articolo 4 della Costituzione.
Eppure la politica italiana in questo frangente si è letteralmente dissolta, adagiandosi su impotenti (dal Partito Democratico) o interessate (Popolo della Libertà) esortazioni a cercare di salvare il lavoro votando SI e sterili comizi (Sinistra Ecologia Libertà) ai cancelli della fabbrica sul furto dei diritti.
"Torino produrrà auto, con o senza la FIAT."
Questo avrebbe dovuto essere lo slogan di risposta al diktat dei vertici FIAT, il grido di una città che non vuole rinunciare a collegare lavoro e diritti, l'esortazione di un Paese che intende combattere affinché i dettami Charter a reality.
How to achieve this?
First polarizing the masses. The relationship between Fiat and the Italian is a relationship between producer and consumer. Consumers often act independently of each other, and the companies exploiting the lack of a coordinated response by the masses, yet the growing awareness, for example, for environmental or child labor shows that the people of the consumer, if properly stimulated, can generate a selection on the market by rewarding and punishing in a nullifying companies on parameters other than those strictly related to the product or service purchased. A strong political
not asked whether Italy can afford the way the are treating the FIAT. He wonders if Fiat can afford to provoke a reaction in Italy. The simple application of Article 4 of the Constitution would mean a total political mobilization, without exception, once a contemporary defense of the right to work and the right of workers who branded them the rights to use blackmail purposes.
Why you should buy a machine manufactured in a company where they are not recognized certain rights rather than others where they are guaranteed? Of course, there should be a worthy campaign and information, but government policy is precisely the most suitable position to take a stand.
Unfortunately for the workers, the Government has taken a different position, has chosen the path of least resistance to the economic power of Fiat, beating pole downward, giving voice to make their own to allow Fiat to bring home the maximum results with minimum effort and usher in a dangerous spread like wildfire of exceptions and limitations to what the workers had won in previous generations. The Government has chosen not to take the side of those who work and who pays the most heavily the current juncture of international crisis.
But if a public awareness campaign and the boycott might have to withdraw the breath, or force her to give workers more security, the policy would have begun to prepare for the possibility of abandonment by the FIAT Mirafiori. The Italian market, to date, would need to fill any vacuum left by the FIAT? If so, there are prospects for attitare investors, including foreigners? Or alternatively you can think of an industry public on virtuous and working model of reality from an economic standpoint as Finmeccanica and Terna? Otherwise, there is scope for a conversion that can maximize occupancy levels and minimize damage to industries? Perhaps it would be a fruitless search, but a road that rulers, local government - City, Province and Region - in the front row, he should beat.
Unfortunately, even in this the workers were left alone.
And it was this deafening silence of the policy to win in the final analysis, the YES in the referendum.
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