What Is Stomatitis Aphtosa

Data AGCom January 2011

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After the boom media Berlusconi in December, which had seen the Prime Minister in first place among all parties as political and institutional presence in the news, the month of January has been a sort of return to what might be termed a standard well-established structure telegiornalistica the time of the Berlusconi media overexposure of the general government at the expense of a parliamentary majority will become ever perceived, anche dai giornalisti, come il braccio armato del Governo in Parlamento.



Dati AGcom gennaio 2011


Ai dati AGCom relativi al mese di gennaio 2011 sono state applicate delle categorizzazioni per eseguire sia un'analisi mirata alla distribuzione dei tempi tra maggioranza, opposizione ed istituzioni, sia a quella per macroarea politica.

Dati AGCom gennaio 2011 aggregati per
Istituzioni - Maggioranza - Opposizione

Nel mese di gennaio time attributable to the institutional, subject to a trend well established, was everywhere greater than 33% in the level playing field settling anywhere over 45% and often - all the news except TG2, TG3, and TGLa7 Rainews - over 50%. It is also to be noted that about 77% of institutional time has been employed by the Prime Minister (38% of the time institutional, 19% of total time) and government (39% of the time institutional, 19% of total time), to emphasize as is actually the executive power is the true protagonist of the Italian media scene.

suffer most of the flood is of course the government's parliamentary majority, reduced in January to a result less than 21%. It is of course the PDL to dominate the media space of the majority, while the League and the minor parties are not the crumbs.

Even the opposition was penalized in terms of television, though, with a value of just under 29%, the gap with the provisions of level playing field is reduced to about four percentage points, or about 13 hours spread space between the month and all the news AGCom championships.

Within the space of the opposition is more dedicated to the PD, which reaches a little lower than the absolute share of PDL. Having provided the opposition, however, a larger space than that for the majority, the opposition PD weighs much less than the PDL side in the majority (51.55% against 73.23% of the PDL). Despite having more space available, then the fragmentation of the opposition mentioned entries helps to make less effective the message, confirming once again the superiority in the use of Berlusconi's media for political purposes.
It should also be noted that the total space for the opposition really is badly distributed in the news: only the TG3 and Rainews fact the opposition more than 30%, and only on these two stations the opposition appears to be above average . The figure confirms another important feature Italian television channel of communication, namely the existence of heavily polarized channels: however, as the issuers of the government pleaded the percentages achieved by the executive touch embarrassing levels (above 60-70%), those generally considered hostile to the team Berlusconi the percentages are much more balanced.

AGCom January 2011 data aggregated to area political and cultural

The prevalence of the opposition forces over those of the majority in terms of media space could thinking with a clear preponderance del centrosinistra sul centrodestra. In realtà, come si evince dal grafico, questa situazione non è rispettata, ed il centrosinistra risulta essere lo spazio politico prevalente soltanto per alcuni decimali, e solo perché nell'analisi effettuata la Lega Nord viene conteggiata come partito di destra e non di centrodestra. Se si eseguisse un confronto sommando destra e centrodestra da un lato e sinistra e centrosinistra dall'altro, le formazioni conservatrici risulterebbero predominanti in Italia di una decina di punti percentuali.
In realtà in Italia non è più possibile parlare di logica bipolare: la scissione tra la sinitra cosiddetta radicale e quella cosiddetta riformista; la separazione, più valoriale che politica, tra destra e centrodestra; l'esistenza di un centro cattolico e soprattutto l'esistenza di un'opposizione interna allo stesso centrodestra obbligano a condurre analisi più elaborate.

Tra i telegiornali più significativi, con un totale di informazione mensile superiore alle due ore, quello che dà maggiore spazio al centrodestra nel suo complesso risulta essere il TGLa7 di Mentana, con oltre il 55% dello spazio totale. Se è vero che questa testata è anche quella che offre lo spazio maggiore alla formazione finiana (oltre il 5%), il 17% offerto dal PdL è tra i valori più alti di tutto il panorama telegiornalistico italiano del mese di gennaio.
Al contrario è l'emittente all-news della RAI, Rainews, ad offire il maggior spazio al centrosinistra, con il 45% del totale, ed è il Partito Democratico ad essere la formazione privilegiata da tale emittente, scalzando quindi il TG3, dove pure il centrosinistra raggiunge il 40%, come roccaforte mediatica delle forze progressiste.

A livello di aderenza dei TG alle norme della par condicio i migliori risultati sono stati raggiunti nel mese da TG3, TGLa7 e TG2: in tutte e tre queste testate lo spazio istituzionale è stato racchiuso tra il 45% ed il 48% del totale, la maggioranza tra il 23% ed il 26% e l'opposizione tra il 27% ed il 31%. I valori sono ben lontani dalle prescrizioni della legge, ma sono quanto di meglio l'informazione italiana sia riuscita a fare in that effect in January 2011.
The fact that the mentality of these two titles are considered anti-government antiberlusconiane and is no longer a proof of how decades of careless use of television have led to perceived as partial and deployed the news, at least quantitatively, the closer to the equator Our information system is able to churn out.

Design Your Own Wrestling Clothes

The Jury blocks of commercials Forum Nuclear

Enrico Testa, chairman of the Nuclear Forum Italian

In the end, it also decreed the competent authority.
For months the world of the Internet had lashed out at the spot Forum sponsored by the Italian Nuclear , with detailed analysis on the form and content of the spot - even on this blog - more or less hit and parodies of mold expressly antinuclear, accused of conducting a real campaign for energy Nuclear and construction of nuclear power stations on Italian soil.

It was the same IAP dell'Autodisciplina Advertising Institute, to raise the issue through its Audit Committee, and on February 18, 2011 the jury ruled the irregularity of the spot. In particular, the ruling says

The Jury examined the documents and hearing the parties, states that the challenged advertising is inconsistent with Article. 2 of the Code of Conduct of Business Communication, read and applied in the light of the "preliminary and general rules" and supplemented by the provisions of art. 46, and ordering its termination in accordance with the reasons given.

Although the specific reasons for the sentence must still be filed, an analysis of articles called into question it is possible to speculate based on the causes that led to the IAP to censor the ad.
Article 2 of the Code of Conduct of Business Communication says

2 - Misleading marketing
Communication Business communication must avoid any statement or representation which is likely to mislead consumers, even by omission, ambiguity or exaggeration not obviously hyperbole, especially with regard to the characteristics and effects of the product, price, gratuity, the conditions sale, distribution, the identity of the persons represented, prizes or awards.
In assessing the misleading nature of commercial communication is taken as a benchmark the average consumer of the reference group.

Article 46 reads instead:

Article 46 - Appeals to the public
is subject to the provisions of this Code any message aimed at raising the public on topics of social interest, including specific, or solicits, directly or indirectly, the voluntary contribution of contributions of any kind, aimed at achieving social objectives.
These messages must contain the identity of the author and recipient of the request and the social objective to be achieved.
The promoters of these messages can freely express their views on the subject matter, but it must be clear that these are views of the same promoters and not facts. However
posts must not:
1. exploits the human misery harming the dignity of the person, or use shocking reminders such as to generate unjustified alarmism, feelings of fear or serious disturbance;
2. blame or set against liability to those who do not intend to support the appeal;
3. present in an exaggerated the degree or nature of the social problem for which the appeal is addressed;
4. specific or overestimate the potential value of the initiative;
5. encourage children to offers of money.
These provisions also apply to commercial communications that contain references to social causes.

The spot, this is the message that travels from the evaluation of the jury, is misleading.
And it is misleading, given the articles cited, because mislead the listener, we can assume omissions, ambiguities and exaggeration in the presentation of the positions in the field. In particular, analysis of the advertisement on the network, the points seem to be indicted:

• These messages must contain the identity of the author and recipient of the request and the social objective to be achieved.
• The promoters of these messages can freely express their views on the subject matter, but it must be clear that these are views of the same promoters and not facts. If

emerge from commercials such as the Nuclear Forum Italian as author and receiver, the knowledge of the sponsors of the forum itself will radically change the perception. In addition, many of the phrases that accompany the moves, which represent the positions of the contenders are proposed to appear as a question and answer dialogue rather than mere opinions in comparison, raising the false impression that the answer to the doubts of the skeptic nuclearists . The Italian Nuclear Forum commented on the news:

Forum Nuclear Italian, reserving any further assessment, informs that its TV commercial was judged by the Jury dell'Autodisciplina Advertising correct but not in accordance with Art. 2 in that the message "Does not communicate to the viewer's social objectives that the association advertiser wants to achieve." The Forum reiterates that the purpose of the communication campaign, including the commercial part, is to help revitalize the nuclear debate in Italy after decades of silence and provide arguments that can help everyone to gain a more conscious, and it "pro" or "against" on this important issue. To this basic idea has been used as a chess game: a simple and understandable by all to represent two different visions clash, a pro-nuclear and the other against it. Every pawn move on the chessboard is a thought on nuclear power. Bianchi and blacks, for and against are faced with legitimate questions. In the end it turns out that the player is playing a match against himself and his doubts. The main concept was therefore to draw attention to the fact that the only way to dispel the doubts is to form an opinion based on solid foundations and informed. The Forum notes that, while respecting the decision of the Jury, the Jury d'Ethique publicitaire Brussels had instead considered the correct spot released by the Belgian Nuclear Forum, which is exactly similar to that passed in Italy, with the same structure even though through different creative idea. Even the Belgian spot was divided by the exposure of doubtful reasons for and against nuclear energy and referred to its website the final screen.

Forum Nuclear Italian, in fact, begs the question: is not the idea of \u200b\u200bplaying chess, or The message described in words, to be partial.
are the ways in which that message is presented to arouse in the viewer the idea that nuclear power is a positive solution in a predetermined spot declared to launch a debate on atomic energy to propagate without groped for one of the parties.
The description of the spot in the statement of the Forum is not aderebte final effect of the advertisement: as the network had already been gutted, and as the jury has established the sequence of scenes, graphics and text of the advertisement broadcast to the viewer a different message from what the Forum has reiterated that in his statement.

Forum Nuclear And indeed, the really throws the mask in a later statement:

A new version of the spot of the Nuclear Forum, which takes account of the findings made by the Committee dell'Autodisciplina Advertising will be placed on the website tomorrow www.forumnucleare. com. Following delivery of the Institute, the Forum has decided to change the movie by inserting a clear reference to its position calling for the same pro-nuclear opinion in advance dell'Autodisciplina Advertising Institute.
Since Jury did not dispute the content and substance of our communication - as is our detractors have tried to persuade instrumentally - the spot has remained the same as that provided in this version but it contains the statement "We support," on plus a question asked the audience: "And you?". We stress that the lack of reference to pro nuclear position of the Forum had not been included in the previous version because it was our intention to be balanced, giving equal status to the two positions: for and against.
The idea to change the ad to try to respond to what is raised by the jury within the perspective of transparency and clarity that distinguish the mode of operation of the Forum and the objective to revive nuclear debate in Italy after decades of silence and provide arguments that can help everyone to gain a more conscious, it is 'pro' or 'against' on this subject.

In his own words, the Forum expresses filonucleare Nuclear Italian, and admits that the ad reflected the actual position of the forum, giving truth to the rumors that the advertisement a deception to the viewers, to which the position was nuclearists shown instinctively good and reasonable in a seemingly neutral and impartial .
Justice was made.

Instructions To Build Vezon

a signal to Merkel from Hamburg

Olaf Scholz (SPD), the new mayor of Hamburg

From the evening of February 20, 2011 Hamburg is back in his hand to the left after ten years of center-right government .
If the outcome of this election was basically granted, provided all the polls since the collapse of the black-green coalition that ruled the city, the proportions of the victory of the SPD and CDU are contextual defeat that will not be able to propagate not like a tsunami throughout the long election year that will see six more German lander engaged in the renewal of their administration.

outcomes of local elections in 2011 land Hamburg

Distribution of votes in local elections in 2011
Hamburg land

As shown in the summary table and its graph, including first and second preferences, the CDU dropped by more than twenty percentage points, reaching just under 22%, the worst result since the war. Certainly much of
election debacle Angela Merkel's party comes from local factors: the CDU had been able to find the keys to the heart of Hamburg Ole von Beust applying for, openly gay, a member of the reformist wing of the party and therefore has a progressive profile that will attract part of 'electorate of SPD in a severe crisis of identity after Schröder was seen from the people of the left as being too conservative and wavering. The contradictory results of the consultation in 2008, the abandonment of the coalition and especially by replacing Grünen von Beust of the conservative iron Ahlhaus were contributing factors that led to the collapse of the party in these elections.
However, if local factors may have heightened le dimensioni della sconfitta, la CDU paga pegno anche per cause di livello nazionale, legate sia al partito sia al governo federale.
Il forte periodo di espansione della CDU degli ultimi anni si è tramutato, in qualche modo, in un logoramento della sua identità. Nel tentativo di conquistare consenso e conseguire maggiori vittorie elettorali, il partito ha via via diversificato la propria offerta. La CDU di Amburgo, come causa e conseguenza delle sue vittorie, è diventata qualcosa di molto diverso dalla CDU del Baden-Württemberg, ad esempio. Proprio questo eccessivo adattamento all'umore dell'elettorato locale, in uno Stato federale ma fortemente identitario come la Germania, ha messo in risalto le contraddizioni interne al party, resulting in an inevitable and physiological loss of confidence by the electorate less loyal.
The vote is obviously also a warning to Merkel, and indirectly the entire European Union: Although the engine has started to grind German GDP growth to levels unthinkable for other European economies, with inflation and unemployment under control, the German population has ill-born foreign policy of the federal government in European, judging negative Merkel's approach to the crisis the Greek crisis when Germany assumed the major financial burden without being able to impose on other states of the EU controls and penalties that are necessary to prevent a recurrence indiscriminate similar situations.
Surely the government can not ignore this important signal, and if the vote is confirmed in Hamburg, and proportions as a result of the consultations later, the German policy for the management of the crisis Irish and Portuguese may have sharp steering, with consequences for all EU countries.

If the party of Merkel crying, surely its ally, the FDP can least afford to smile. After a long absence from the parliament, in fact, the FDP exceeds the threshold of 5%, surpassing the Linke and glean as many as nine seats. The fact that part of the votes on the run from the CDU FDP have found a home in the well represents the failure of local political alliances of black-green la voglia di cristallizzare nella loro forma "naturale" le coalizioni di governo e in generale un desiderio di rinnovamento contro una CDU che non ha saputo fare altro che riproporre un sindaco che da principio si sapeva essere sgradito.

Proprio i verdi, i Grünen, si possono considerare gli altri sconfitti della tornata elettorale. Sebbene in grado di ottenere un buon 11%, in incremento di quasi due punti rispetto al 2008, il risultato è tutto sommato modesto rispetto al 15% di cui erano accreditati negli ultimi sondaggi: come nel caso della CDU, anche l'elettorato verde ha mal sopportato la scelta del partito di allearsi con un rivale storico a livello nazionale. A complicare le cose si aggiunge per il partito ecologica la grande vittoria della SPD, which can tap the absolute majority of the votes and to achieve an absolute majority of seats: although in all likelihood the government's land will be a red-green coalition, it is clear that the bargaining power of Grünen is greatly reduced compared to the previous composition of the regional parliament.

The triumph of the SPD is no doubt the other major key theme of the elections of February 20. A success, the largest in scope since 1982, can not be explained simply in terms of a disaffection to the CDU: The amount of votes obtained by the SPD, together with the choice of a candidate, Olaf Scholz, the son of politically Schröder, are proof that voters Hamburg have really turned the corner, rehabilitating the reformist left and its policy after being convicted a decade ago. The conquest of the absolute majority of seats redraw the relationship into the German center-left, inside the leadership seemed to be more poised, with Grünen who were dangerously close to the historical allies.

SPD's success stands out even more if one takes into account the Linke, the leftist party to its second appearance at the Hamburg election, was able to win the same percentage of votes in previous consultations. If Linke for this result can be considered objectively satisfactory spicca come lo straripamento della SPD non sia stato in grado di scalfire questo zoccolo duro di elettori, il che fa lievitare lo schieramento progressista, preso nel suo complesso, oltre il 65%.

Una menzione particolare, infine, per il giovane partito Piraten, in grado di passare dallo 0,2% del 2008 al 2,1% del 2011, risultando il primo partito tra gli esclusi dal Parlamento regionale ed una forza che difficilmente in futuro i partiti maggiori potranno ignorare.

L'affluenza, infine, ha fatto registrare un calo tutto sommato moderato rispetto al 2008, passando dal 63% al 57%. Proprio questo dato può essere considerato il più allarmante per la coalizione della Merkel: la sconfitta amburghese non può essere justified only in terms of shelter nell'astensionismo. A drop of 20 percentage points necessarily involves a flight to other parties, very seriously complicating the necessary recovery operations that the CDU will have to put in place to introduce the next elections without suffering more defeats of similar proportions.

Composition of the Parliament of Hamburg
after the 2011 elections

As you can see from the picture, the parliament is in the hands of the SPD, who won 62 seats. The absolute majority achieved by the formation of the center, tuttavia, è risicata (appena un seggio), quindi in realtà la soluzione più probabile è comunque una coalizione rosso-verde.
In realtà, dietro questa scelta, vi sarebbero anche calcoli politico-elettorali importanti: seppupre in questa tornata elettorale siano apparsi in affanno, i Grünen restano un partito chiave in molti lander  quali Bremen o il Baden-Württemberg, e incrinare i rapporti tra le due forze di centrosinistra, per di più in presenza di programmi elettorali abbastanza compatibili, in nome di un'autosufficienza neppure così solida, sarebbe un puro suicidio politico.

Trend elettorale in Sachsen-Ahnalt (dati Infratest Dimap)

Da non sottovalutare, infine, gli effetti sul Bundesrat: come conseguenza di queste elezioni tre elementi, di colpo, passano dalla maggioranza all'opposizione, riducendo la maggioranza pro-governo federale da 34 elementi a 31, in virtù di una maggioranza assoluta di 35. Al contrario gli elementi contrari al governo salgono a 24, mentre i neutrali restano 17. Il prossimo appuntamento è il 20 marzo, con le elezioni in Sachsen-Anhalt, un land da quattro parlamentari nel Bundesrat. Qui governa una coalizione CDU/SPD, cosa che posizione il land tra i neutrali.
Gli ultimi sondaggi della Infratest Dimap , risalenti a gennaio 2011, mostrano la CDU come primo partito tallonata dalla Linke; a distanza la SPD, mentre Grünen e FDP lottano per superare la soglia di sbarramento. La conventio ad excludendum nei confronti della Linke, unita al fatto che, essendo la sinistra estrema al di sopra della SPD come preferenze, avrebbe il diritto ad esprimere il governatore in un'eventuale coalizione rossa, rendono quasi certa la riedizione dell'alleanza CDU/SPD.
Alla SPD spetterà il difficile compito di capire se per i Tedeschi la Linke è ormai sdoganata ed è considerabile alla stregua di tutti gli altri partiti, oppure se il suo abbraccio in Sassonia rischia di strangolare le ambizioni del partito di Gabriel.

Ceiling Mount Shower Rod

There immunity and immunity

front page of The Independent of April 30, 1993

During the Council of Ministers No. 127 of 28 February 2011 the Government approved at 'consensus the report of the Minister of Justice, Angelino Alfano, the constitutional reform of justice, defined as an extraordinary CdM but presented in the following general guidelines.

Among the proposals being examined by the Executive is strongly back in vogue, driven by recent events involving judicial record of the Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, the theme immunity, and in particular the return of parliamentary form provided in the Constitution before 1993.

Article 68 of the Charter, in fact, was reformed by the Constitutional Act 3 of 29 October 1993, following the real avutesi popular uprisings in the first part of that year, after Parliament had attempted to block Craxi investigations by the judiciary.
In a game of historical courses and resorts, many protagonists of contemporary politics were there during those months, by popular acclaim to approve a constitutional reform in record time. There was Giorgio Napolitano, Speaker of the House, to mark the work, there was Pier Ferdinando Casini as speaker of the reform, there were D'Alema, Fini, Veltroni, and there were also members of the governing majority as Maroni, Bossi, La Russa, Gasparri. Bulgarian
With majorities in the House and Senate passed the law sent to the test of double reading, Article 68 of the Constitution was changed and the immunity was not the same.

The concept of immunity is present in the legal systems of almost all modern democracies, and attempts to reconcile the mandatory prosecution, the founding pillar of the fundamental principle of equality before the law, the independence of the political and judicial e la tutela della libertà di espressione dei rappresentanti del popolo.
Tra le varie tipologie di immunità, quella parlamentare si contraddistingueva per essere assoluta, ovvero indipendente dal reato commesso; extrafunzionale, riguardando solo la durata della carica; e processuale, in quanto non si nega lo stato di reato dell'eventuale crimine commesso dal parlamentare, ma solo la possibilità da parte dello Stato di esercitare il proprio diritto di coercizione.

L'articolo 68 della Costituzione, così come concepito dai padri costituenti, recitava infatti:

I membri del Parlamento non possono essere perseguiti per le opinioni espresse e i voti dati nell'esercizio delle loro funzioni.
Without authorization from the respective House, any member of Parliament may be prosecuted, nor may they be arrested or otherwise deprived of liberty or subjected to a personal search or home, unless they are caught in the act of committing a crime for which the warrant is required or the order of capture. Equal
authorization is required to take under arrest or retain in custody a member of Parliament in pursuance of a sentence also irrevocable.

The first paragraph, which itself seems to already be a form of total immunity, though limited parliamentary action, would actually have a major role protection of the elect, a Member can not be affected by its decision of a criminal in the House would vote parliamentary What, for example, an international mission in war-torn areas of the world if he knew of being accused of murder by relatives of possible victims ? This form of immunity, although of course subject to degeneration (if raise the legal limits of toxic increases the occurrence of cancer, the lawmaker is not liable for its decision), is necessary to ensure that representatives State can make the best decisions without worrying about the effects on a personal level. This immunity is called "absolute immunity" e ricopre l'intera attività parlamentare anche dopo la cessazione dalla carica.

Il secondo ed il terzo comma si occupano invece dell'immunità parlamentare vera e propria, quella processuale. Salvo il caso della flagranza di reato, un parlamentare non poteva essere imputato, perquisito o arrestato a meno di un'autorizzazione votata dalla Camera di appartenenza.
L'autorizzazione a procedere di fatto però consentiva un'estensione arbitraria del diritto all'insindacabilità, dal momento che il Parlamento negli anni arrivò ad abusare di questa opportunità, rifiutando sistematicamente le autorizzazioni a procedere tacciandole come interferenze del potere giudiziario in quello legislativo.

Questo fino alla popular uprising following the burst of the "Clean Hands and the enormity of the rejection by the House to the needs of the judiciary in the case of Craxi.

The current version of Article 68 of the Constitution, valid from 1993, says:

Members of Parliament can not be held accountable for the opinions expressed or votes cast in the exercise of their functions.
Without authorization from the respective House, any member of Parliament shall be subject to personal or home search, nor can they be arrested or otherwise deprived of liberty or kept in detention, except in the execution of a final conviction, or if caught in the act of committing a crime for which there is the arrest mandatory.
same authorization is required before members of Parliament to intercept, in any form of conversations or communications, and seizure of correspondence.

As can be seen in the first paragraph, the right all'insindacabilità has even been strengthened by the change: the shift from "can not be prosecuted" to "can not be held accountable" in fact generalizes and extends a guarantee of enjoyed Members of Parliament, where the first statement could be interpreted as a restriction on a purely criminal law area.

The real change Article can be found, however, the second and third paragraphs. The immunity from prosecution, as you can see, has not been taken, but watered down. Disappears, the words "no member of Parliament may be prosecuted," and now members of parliament can be brought to trial without leave of the House membership, but such authorizations remain viable for many ancillary still collecting evidence as a search or interceptions.

In fact, it is important to note that ordinary law through some parts of the immunity have been gradually reconstructed over time, perhaps the most significant example is the decree Law 535 8 September 1994 - later revoked - took off the court, to put it in the hands of the Chambers, the power to determine whether such facts would fall under the umbrella dell'insindacabilità, leaving only the judiciary the opportunity to raise a Look to the conflict of duties.
Equally important, in February 1996 was the extension of the necessity of agreement for the use of wiretaps in the case of indirect or words of parliamentarians emerged by chance during inercettazioni other users.

Despite this, the main change in Article 68 of the Constitution holds: today is a parliamentary process in a similar to that of any other citizen.
It is precisely this point that the Government wants to change, to return to the past. To prevent an elected official, if backed by a solid majority in the House, can be prosecuted for the duration of his political life.

A throwback incomprehensible in terms of the need for legal reform useless in a country where the priority, it being about justice, but should be the duration of the processes together with the certainty of the sentence and the application of the sentence.
But more needs and priorities for Italy have become coincident with those of the citizen Silvio Berlusconi, facing deadlines and il premier nel 2011 (processi Mills, Mediatrade e Rubygate) lasciano pochi dubbi su quale possa essere il reale fuoco che anima la furia riformatrice del Governo.

Wart Removal For Lips

Parliament blocked

Palazzo Montecitorio, sede della Camera dei Deputati

La recente separazione tra Fini e Berlusconi, unita alla progressiva riduzione del divario tra maggioranza ed opposizione alla Camera dei Deputati fino ad arrivare al sostanziale pareggio attuale, è alla base di meccanismi che esulano dalla semplice sopravvivenza del Governo e anzi impattano sulla vita quotidiana dell'Italia e degli Italiani.

Grazie data available on Normattiva it was possible to identify all the legislation enacted during the sixteenth term, encompassing with them:

• Decrees of the President of the Council of Ministers
• Decrees of the President of the Republic
• Law Decrees Decrees Legislative
• Read

This analysis therefore only remain outside the ministerial decrees.

Promulgation of legislative acts,
with details of the law, the Legislature XVI

As you can see from movements in the series Acts Legislativi", il mese di gennaio 2011, con i suoi tre provvedimenti approvati e con il pesantissimo calo rispetto ai mesi precedenti, consente una nuova preoccupante lettura degli eventi politici successivi alla votazione di fiducia del 14 dicembre.
Esaurita l'ordalia dei decreti di fine anno, infatti, il Parlamento si è trovato di fatto paralizzato, incapace di legiferare e di portare a conclusione gli iter legislativi necessari per l'approvazione degli atti. Se poi, invece degli atti legislativi nel complesso, si esaminano le leggi, ovvero lo strumento parlamentare per eccellenza, si vede come la crisi della capacità produttiva delle Aule sia iniziata in realtà molto prima, visto che è da dicembre 2009 che non si raggiunge ten and still share that the gap between the laws and acts Total it gradually increased during the term.
This data clearly stigmatizing parliamentary activity: a simple decision support government until there was a solid majority, and now the ' utter impasse.

Composition of legislative (2008)

Composition of legislative (2009)

Composizione dell'attività legislativa (2010)

Dall'esame dei grafici che mostrano l'evoluzione temporale dei lavori del Parlamento, si vede infatti come nel 2010 i decreti legislativi abbiano scalzato le leggi come tipologia di documento approvato.
L' iter  di un decreto legislativo è però molto diverso da quello di una legge: il Parlamento, infatti, si limita a verificare in Commissione l'aderenza del testo del decreto a quanto previsto dalla legge delega "contenitore", delegando di fatto l'attività legislativa al Governo.
Il prepotente incremento dell'uso dei decreti legislativi è la maggiore espressione del rapporto di subordinazione instauratosi tra Parlamento e Governo nel corso della XVI Legislatura.

Confronto mensile sull'approvazione delle leggi
nella XVI legislatura

Se, come visto, il numero totale di testi approvati dal Parlamento è sceso negli ultimi mesi, e se la percentuale delle leggi è a sua volta calata rispetto al totale, se può solo dedurre che le leggi siano fortemente diminuite nel 2010 rispetto agli anni precedenti.
Il fenomeno può in effetti essere perceived by comparing the passing of laws on a monthly basis.
As the chart shows, from July 2010 or the first rifts between Berlusconi and Fini, the legislative activity of Parliament has gradually started to drop below levels of previous years, reflecting the inability of the supervening legislative power to legislate in independently arising from the proposals by the Government.

parliamentary activity is thus reduced to the mere certification of the existence of a majority able to support the Government, but the data show undeniably the lack of a majority able to work for the country. The paralysis in the second half of 2010 has begun to affect the parliament, culminated in January 2011 of almost total inactivity (and that really total of the first half of February) is a symptom of the disease that eats the Country institutional, typhus stadium that would like to know if Berlusconi has the numbers or not stay in the saddle without question the actual ability to reform Italy that the Parliament could not express and is expressing.

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professionals policy (Part I)

Beppe Pisanu (PDL)

One of the most common refrain Berlusconi's proposed policy is the contrast between "old" and "new", the old of professional politicians and their games and the new building consists of the entrepreneur worked in politics, and as such only interested in and serve the common good of the country.

If the comparison may be fine view, so dear to Berlusconi, the personalization of the political struggle, its application in a comparative analysis between the center and center-right, or better yet between the majority and opposition, but shows very different results.
If you look at the composition of the Chambers in fact, it is possible to determine with precision the length of parliamentary politics that compose them, and effectively estimate the extent of the renewal of the ruling class made by each deployment over the years. In this first article will be considered on the Senate, with composition and data updated to 11/02/2011.

With the data available on the Parliament Open was possible to identify, for each senator, the number of days on which he served as a Member of both Houses and the date of first entry. The two values \u200b\u200bare not necessarily related, as many senators were found holes, at the elections which have not been elected or where they are presented.

Ten senators with the most
of days as a Member of Parliament (as of 02/11/2011)

Looking at the first table that lists the ten senators with the highest number of days spent as a parliamentarian, there is already something of a clear prevalence of members of the PDL: seven senators on the ten most experienced parliamentary fact belong to this camp, leaving each element in PD, FLI - still an MP elected in the lists of the PDL in 2008 - and UDC-SVP. The PDL is also the only party for senators who passed the ideology of the 10,000 days of stay in Parliament, and does so with four elements.

Ten senators with the lowest
date of first entry into Parliament (as of 11/02/2011)

The situation changed, though not radically, but if the number of days Office Parliamentary you look at the date of first entry: in this case the presence of the PDL decreases five elements, the PD increased to three, while remaining at a UDC-SVP and Mixed - an MP elected in 2008, however, the ranks of the PD. There are six, equamentre distributed between PD and PDL, the senators entered for the first time in Parliament before 1980.

Analysis of days present in Parliament (as at 02.11.2011) Parliamentary Group for Pooled

Going into detail of the parliamentary groups, the presence of media time spent fully confirms that the PDL is training with the highest value, beyond 3500 days. Below UDC-SVP, FLI, Mixed, PD, and IDV League.

Analysis of the parliamentary group PDL (as of 11/02/2011)

Despite the PDL, thanks to the overwhelming election victory in 2008, was able to pursue in Parliament a more representatives than the XV Legislature, this was not tradotto in un vero ringiovanimento della sua classe politica: solo 39 senatori su un gruppo parlamentare di 134 elementi sono infatti entrati per la prima volta in parlamento nel 2008.

Analisi del gruppo parlamentare FLI (dati al 11/02/2011)

Il fatto che FLI abbia valori medi e massimi inferiori a quelli del PdL è un ulteriore indice della difficoltà di rinnovamento che incontra il partito berlusconiano: ribaltando il refrain dei professionisti della politica, FLI è la dimostrazione dell'irrequietezza che scuote, nel centrodestra, proprio quelle persone con esperienza parlamentare minor.

Analysis of the parliamentary group PD (as of 02/11/2011)

Despite the electoral defeat of the center in 2008, the simplification of the political landscape has led to the PD in an increase of seats. Compared to the PDL, however, this has translated into a real engagement of new recruits: a full 34 out of 110 senators were elected for the first time in 2008, a number not only explained by the increase in the number of seats, limited to ten.

IdV Analysis of the parliamentary group (data at 2/11/2011)

Analysis of the parliamentary group League (as of 02/11/2011)

Italy of Values \u200b\u200band the League Northern Ireland have lived between 2006 and 2008 a period of strong expansion. Evident from the graphs for both parties a ruling class generally very young, but, unlike the PD, in this case did not make sense to speak of renewal. If you look in detail the composition of the parliamentary groups is seen as the high prevalence of senators to the first term is in fact due to the increase of seats available for these configurations: the old folks are gone, left no room, just the high percentages obtained by the two parties have allowed that they were flanked by dense crowds of newly elected members.

Analysis of the parliamentary group UDC-SVP (as of 02/11/2011)

The group UDC-SVP looks like perhaps the most unusual: if the others see it a pyramidal structure more or less marked, with a broad base at the first election of senators and a thinning of the values \u200b\u200bas they switch to parliamentary office for more time, in this case, the limited size of the accomplices, This trend does not appear to climb in a evident, and the average time spent in Parliament is therefore thrown up.

Analysis of the Mixed Parliamentary Group (as of 02/11/2011)

The mixed group, of course, not an actual party, but you trace the 'identikit of those who, after the general elections of 2008, turned out to be dissatisfied with all the partisan alliances. The composition of this group do not really see a prevalence at the first election of senators, leaving the impression that shine out from their starting lineup fosse dettata più da calcolo politico che da motivazioni ideologiche.

Analisi dei giorni di presenza in Parlamento (dato al 11/02/2011)
Aggregato per regione

Esaminando lo spaccato per regioni, si notano alcuni casi particolari, in cui il tempo medio di permanenza in Parlamento supera i 3.000 giorni: Calabria, Emilia Romagna, Puglia, Sardegna (dove addirittura si superano i 4.000), Sicilia, Umbria e Veneto. In realtà solo in Calabria, dove la deviazione standard non raggiunge i 2.000 giorni, si può parlare di una classe dirigente veramente vecchia. Negli altri casi emerge invece a different situation, in which one or more parliamentary historians alongside shoots of renewal.

analysis of days of presence in Parliament (as at 11.2.2011)
aggregate by region / parliamentary group

Particularly significant in this regard is the table for each region proposes the split of the parliamentary groups, and should be examined in detail in this sense some of the regions highlighted a little higher. In Emilia Romagna
outstanding values \u200b\u200bof the League and IDV, confirming the false situation of renovation - in fact political expansion - experienced from these two formations. It is striking that both the PDL and not the PD to have the average, minimum and maximum higher: the PDL did not bring any new service in this region, and indeed continues to rely on a system of power now minority aging . This factor is indicative of the formation of Berlusconi to build a real alternative to the center in this region historically red. For its part, the PD, with average time is about half that of the PDL, successfully exploited in a manner acceptable to the loyalty of the electorate Emilia alongside historical figures like Anna Finocchiaro a series of new entry .
The difference in behavior between PD and PDL emerge in an even more violent if you look at a region traditionally right as Sicily. Although there is the Democratic Party in not being able to drive in any new Parliamentary Senate, is seen as the average seniority of senators of this formation is much lower than what we read at the line of the PDL, which can also count in this region at almost twice the number of elected officials. Also dominated by the electoral point of view, therefore, the PDL did not appear to provide an appropriate renewal of its leadership.
instead examining the region with greater traction League, Veneto, eloquently shown the efficiency of the Carroccio. PD, PDL League and have been able to count on all seven senators elected, but tl'anzianità media di servizio passa dai 2.312,29 giorni della Lega ai 3.406,00 del PD ai 3.670,00 del PdL. Se per la Lega il basso valore può essere spiegato con la forte espansione elettorale (da tre a sette eletti), è evidente come sia il PD sia il PdL siano in forte difficoltà in questa regione, proponendo una classe dirigente con un'anzianità di servizio prossima (PD) o addirittura superiore (PdL) ai dieci anni.

Analisi dei giorni di presenza in Parlamento (dato al 11/02/2011)
Aggregato per sesso

Un'ultima tipologia di analisi riguarda infine il sesso. Se desta preoccupazione il fact that women are only 58 out of 315 - about 18.5% - even more preoocupazione cause for the fact that the average length of service of senators is only five hundred days is lower than that of male colleagues.
The figure that emerges is that the last two elections, 2006 and 2008, have not been able to provide an adequate renewal in the female composition of the Senate, which is in the now historical figures such as Finocchiaro, Bonino or Poli Bortone yet its benchmarks.

analysis of days of presence in Parliament (as at 02.11.2011) Parliamentary Group for Pooled
/ Sex

Looking at the split by sex linked to individual groups is seen as the issue of the shares rose is the only one where the PDL is successful, albeit controversial, perhaps, to surpass the PD: If it is true that the female group of the PDL is composed of only 11 items out of 134, compared to 33 out of 110 of the team of Bersani, it is also true that the average length of service for senators Berlusconi is less than 2,000 days, compared to over 2,500 those of PD. The impression one gets is that the PDL has come to terms with the very latest women's issues but that running for cover, but has passed a Democratic Party too rest on our laurels, which somehow stopped positive trend of previous years.

waiting to perform the same analysis for the Chamber of Deputies, the results offered by the Senate and then flatly deny the building - now you can say only propaganda - Berlusconi on the clash between "old" and "new": the PDL is the party that collects the senators more time in Parliament, which has the average seniority and higher parliamentary and regional levels seems less able to introduce all of a renewal, the dissidents also Finian seem to belong to the band average "younger" PDL of the elect, by introducing a new obstacle to the future of Berlusconi's party, only at the level of female representation in the classroom seems to provide encouraging results.

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Hamburg is preparing to vote

Christoph Ahlhaus (CDU), the mayor of Hamburg

On 20 February 2011 in Germany will officially open the long-election in 2011. There are seven regions, or rather the lander, which will be involved in the voting:

• City State of Hamburg (20 February 2011) - Outgoing President Christoph Ahlhaus (CDU) - Mono CDU government after ' output Grünen coalition
• Saxony-Anhalt (20 March 2011) - Outgoing President Wolfgang Böhmer (CDU) - Government of coalition CDU / SPD
• Wuttemberg-Baden (27 March 2011) - Outgoing President Stefan Mappus (CDU) - Government Mono
• CDU Rhineland-Palatinate (March 27, 2011) - Outgoing President Kurt Beck (SPD) - SPD government Mono
• City State of Bremen (May 22, 2011) - Outgoing President Jens Böhrnsen (SPD) - Government of coalition SPD / Grünen
• Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (September 4, 2011) - President uscene Erwing Sellering (SPD) - Government of coalition SPD / CDU
• City State of Berlin (September 18, 2011) - Outgoing President Klaus Wowereit (SPD) - Government of coalition SPD / Linke

In detail, three positions are dominated four of the CDU and the SPD, and observing the composition of the coalition government is seen as the CDU is present only four times, against five of the SPD and the only one of Grünen and Linke. The elections seem
then put more in jeopardy the seats of the center-dominated (SPD, Grünen, Linke) and those of the Centre (UDC), which would then play the attack, but in fact the latest polls are everywhere Coalition Angela Merkel in retreat compared to the results achieved with previous elections: after losing the majority in the Bundesrat after the 2010 elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, now risks seeing its liabilities burdened and above all be a historic defeat of the conservative stronghold of Baden-Wuttemberg, a hypothesis that can compromise the very survival of the federal government.

The first elections, however, is Hamburg. City
traditionally left-wing SPD governed by continuously from 1957 to 2001, just in that election saw the election of the exponent CDU Ole von Beust, who heads a coalition that could see, in addition to the CDU, FDP and the list also Offensive local. At the next appointment, the CDU, with a leap of 21 percentage points, completed a historic overtakes SPD von Beust allowing the formation of a government of one color, while the controversial 2008 elections have seen, is unique in Germany, the formation of a coalition of CDU / Grünen. Just the break between these two parties, with the consequent resignation of von Beust and the formation of a minority government led by Ahlhaus, led to the crisis resulted in early elections expected this February 20.

With nearly 1.8 million people (more than 2% of the entire German population), Hamburg is Germany's second largest city after Berlin in size.
within the municipal boundaries produces about 3% of GDP of the state. Above all, with its three delegates, has a weight that is about 4% of the Bundesrat, the Federal Senate German.
These elections can be considered, of course, by due proportion, and recalling the dual cities of Hamburg and land as a mixture of local elections in Milan and the size of a region of Liguria and Calabria.

Trend electoral land in Hamburg in February 2011
(Infratest DIMAP)

The trends identified by the February Infratest DIMAP sees SPD unchanged at a high 46%, while the CDU would collapse even at 25% and the FDP could even not to elect representatives to the Regional Council.

Coalitions of government
preferred by voters in Hamburg in February 2011 (Infratest DIMAP)

Although similar proportions would allow the construction of a single color SPD, the population of Hamburg, as shown by the survey, we see a government more favorable to the SPD / Grünen, reflecting the growing appreciation that the party more environmentally friendly of the Exchequer meets German nell'elettorato progressive.

Composition the Bundesrat in February 2011

Do not underestimate the effects finally at the national level on the Bundesrat: Currently, there are seven lander, for a total of 34 councilors, sided with the government, specifically five opposition ( 21 advisers) and four considered neutral (14 counselors), or expression of lander governed by parties that appear to be the majority and opposition by the government. The directors of the latter type of lander generally abstain in the vote, this means that votes in favor of the government of Angela Merkel is currently in less than an absolute majority.
Hamburg at the time è un land conteggiato nelle file della maggioranza, con tre consiglieri tutti appartenenti alla CDU. Il ribaltamento di fronte portato da una vittoria SPD o SPD/Grünen farebbe scendere a 31 i consiglieri in quota Merkel e salire a 24 quelli apertamente opposti, rendendo la vita ancora più difficile per un governo federale più che mai in crisi di popolarità.

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December 2010: Berlusconi's media domination

Bianca Berlinguer, direttore del TG3

Dicembre 2010 è stato il mese della tentata spallata al Governo Berlusconi IV, spallata respinta con la votazione di fiducia del giorno 14 che ha visto prevalere la maggioranza di centrodestra for 314 to 311 against the united opposition of left and right.
This event, combined with previous media battle and considerations following the vote, has heavily influenced the news of the month, as shown by the data AGCom , giving rise to one protagonist: the Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. A this link data are collected in. Xls.

December 2010 aggregated data AGCom
institutions - the majority - Opposition

From the first chart, which compares the time spent by a majority, opposition and istituzioni, si nota una netta preponderanza di queste ultime rispetto a quanto previsto dalle regole della par condicio , che vorrebbero il tempo politico dei telegiornali ripartito equamente tra le macrocategorie. In particolare, la media di tempo dedicata alle istituzioni è stata intorno al 50%, compresa tra il 40% di MTV ed il 78% del TGCom.
Non è tuttavia l'opposizione a fare le spese dell'eccessivo tempo dedicato alle istituzioni: i partiti che si oppongono al governo ottengono infatti il 34% circa del tempo televisivo (spaziando dal 16% del TGCom al 41% del TG3).
Si tratta invece della maggioranza parlamentare ad essere sacrificata ad un misero 15% medio, disegnando perfettamente la situazione politica del December and a split in general quite adequate to the Second Republic: the parliamentary team's center, when the majority ceases to be a legislative body, to be reduced to a mere executor of the will of the government, then drawing a contrast not between teams and gentlemen, but rather between the executive and the opposition to the Chambers.

successive political events in December and then have seen the constant media dominance of these institutions, and among these was the prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, to have the greater role. Of all the TG examined Berlusconi has had access to more than 36 hours of speaking time and time news, compared to the rest of the 22 prerogative of the executive, the 20 Democratic Party and almost 17 of the People of Freedom.

Data AGCom December 2010 compared
Prime Minister, Government major parties

The Chairman of the largest media space around the political world, an area more than twice that of the party in which the entire military and far greater majority that supports him. An area of \u200b\u200bnine percentage points higher than the sum of all other Government Ministers, ten percentage points higher than the largest opposition party, five percentage points more than the entire center.

in this issue lies in fact the political strategy of the Knight, the personalization of politics that has seen in the December 14 vote of confidence in a referendum on him and not the government in general, to fight in person, and after the victory, to be celebrated as a person. The climb in the polls had the PDL after December 14 is essentially, therefore, had a lift from the figure of Berlusconi.

AGCom December 2010 aggregated data for socio-cultural area

Observing finally graphical division into macro policies, we can see once again the impact of the shift in the media center of the conflict to the Berlusconi-center-center.
The center falls to its lowest since June 2010, while the center is positioned to the highest since August 2010. However, it should be noted that, due to the interchangeability between Berlusconi and center-right, the standard deviation related to the center will be substantially higher than that reported to the counterparty.
Contrary to what one would have thought then, the phenomenon FLI has not yet been fully absorbed by the television, and reduced all'alveo of the center of governo o di opposizione: il calo a livello di coalizione ha impattato infatti solo il PdL, lasciando invece la formazione di Fini su valori sì bassi, ma in ogni caso all'interno della forchetta di rappresentanza mediatica dei mesi scorsi.

Valutando infine la qualità dei telegiornali, emerge in realtà come la riduzione dello spazio dedicato al centrodestra abbia equilibrato la suddivisione dell'informazione rispetto alle macroaree politiche (deviazione standard inferiore al punto percentuale), mentre la preponderanza televisiva di Berlusconi abbia invece pesantemente degradato la valutazione nella classificazione tra istituzioni, maggioranza e opposizioni. Il telegiornale che meglio di tutti ha saputo equilibrare l'informazione nel mese December proved to be the Bianca Berlinguer TG3, followed by MTVFlash and TG2. The worst performance, as usual, are the prerogative of TgCom, Studio Aperto and TG4. Finally stands out from the bad result of TG1 Minzolini, for too many months, the most unbalanced of the titles RAI.

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The new face of Berlusconi

Logo Promoters of Liberty

On January 28, 2011 Berlusconi has sent a video message the Promoters of Liberty, the third in about two weeks.
This statement is placed at a level, however, very different than the previous. While in the past because the object of statements of the Prime Minister were mainly the magistrates in Milan to see the way investigations that involved the discussion out in the latter is more strongly oriented to the political, endorsing the hypothesis that see Berlusconi the dawn of a new, perhaps ultimately, the election campaign.

The choice of the medium is clear: the video message does not lend itself to questions, does not offer contradictory, and at the same time allows you to create an artificial scenario targeted, in which each element of the context becomes part of the message. The tool lets you enhance the charisma of the speaker more than his dialectic ability, and this is the ideal di comunicazione per Berlusconi.

Nel caso specifico, sono immediate le analogie sceniche con il messaggio di fine anno del Presidente della Repubblica, ancora fresco nella memoria di molti Italiani. La scrivania, la bandiera, la postura, e non ultimo il poco tempo passato dal comunicato di Napolitano contribuiscono a generare un senso di affinità tra i due personaggi. Naturalmente non si tratta di un caso, ma di uno studio ben preciso volto a costruire l'ennesima identità del personaggio Berlusconi, quella dello statista che rivendica i suoi successi politici. Già dall'immagine è possibile tentare di capire in che modo il Cavaliere potrebbe tentare di condurre le sue future battaglie elettorali: impossibilitato a presentarsi come "il new "into the political arena, but will try to appear as the" guaranteed used "as an experienced servant of the State whose past successes become the key to once again ask the public confidence.
At the same time remember that the recent scandals involving the so-called "Ruby-gate" has profoundly shaken the image of the knight, especially among Catholic voters, from this point of view, an aseptic preparation in art, in a speech declared a closed environment, not subject breaks and the excesses of the public, and especially a medium that allows infinite repetition until the packaging of a finished product, free from those gaffe that often characterize public appearances of the President of the Council and on other occasions might elicit sympathy, are all factors that militate in favor of renewal and restoration of contemporary art - to change everything to change nothing - the image and the figure of Berlusconi man like Berlusconi's political.

Tag cloud the video message from Silvio Berlusconi

The structure of the proceeds from tag cloud file revised text of the speech confirms and emphasizes what the presentation Formal video suggests: it is di un messaggio eminentemente politico. Le parole predominanti sono "politica" e "riforme", uniti a quel verbo "fare" che costituisce la base di uno dei principali leit-motiv della propaganda berlusconiana: il "governo del fare". Se (fare) politica e (fare) riforme costituiscono il messaggio, nel discorso di Berlusconi sono altrettanto evidenti il mittente ed il destinatario: le parole "stato", "italiani" e "paese", che compaiono a più riprese in tutto l'intervento, costituiscono l'inequivocabile ricevente della politica e delle riforme, mentre "governo" e "ministri" ne sono i fautori.
Le parole del Cavaliere, anche avulse dalle frasi a cui fanno riferimento, martellano quindi incessantemente the listener with a simple and effective concept: "we have done and make reforms to you." The new Berlusconi
modesty, the institutional sense that the President of Council is sending as a counterpoint to the idea that leaks out of him by tapping the "Ruby-gate", is also shown to predominate in the choice of the 'we' on ' I ". Berlusconi decide to use but not abuse its staff figure, aware of the fact that the latter figure is not marketable at this time and indeed is the subject of electoral restyling.

The flow of speech is actually relatively simple: a first phase which emphasizes the right to govern the and center-right wins parliamentary reaffirmed that right, followed by an overview of the main activities carried out by the government and a closed-dominated attacks on the judiciary and by the promise of judicial reform. The emotional impact is obvious. Citing
winning the election, consistent with the mandate given by voters at the same time accuse those who have left the majority - the Finian - serves not only as traitors to legitimize the position of Berlusconi, but to define who the "good" and who the bad guys. Berlusconi has power to govern, Fini has betrayed the mandate of the electorate, the opposition attempts to overthrow with the help of the politicized judiciary the government elected by the people: this series of concepts, and simple expression for this easy to fix in the mind of a friend, however, already public, arouse in the listener's perception of being in the right team, the team that's right.
The term team, which evokes the transformation of the political battle in typhus and in the early stages of the video message is just a product of intuition, it is much more explicit in the commemoration of the last parliamentary vote won by the majority. Berlusconi is about a seven to zero, a score from football - in football and think it is natural, given the popularity of this sport in Italy and since the speaker is the president of the team on top of the league attualmete - Heavy, the team of the winning team is also good. What appeal better? What better way to show up? The refrain love that always wins over hate here full application.

Another refrain , the policy of doing as opposed to games of the palace, is the introduction of the second part of the speech, in which Berlusconi claims the success of the executive: reform of universities, South Bank, support for small and medium-align the retirement age for men and women, extraordinary items and taxation of financial stability are the points that the Prime Minister claims as achievements of the government, of course with the project - in progress - of federalism. And these successes are, in the economy of discourse, to introduce the final attack on the judiciary and the causes that are involved. Berlusconi lashes out against the interference with his privacy and eavesdropping, and claims the right to be tried before the Court of Justice Ministers and reform.
The emotional impact, again, is assured before the government's list of works is not difficult to imagine the judges as obstacles to the realization of the reform carried out by the center. And while it is clear the image of a completely renovated Berlusconi, no more news on the political scene but a ruler who lists his successes to ask once again the confidence of the people.

The image built by the Knight is emotionally very effective because it certainly is easy to perceive it as true: the points listed by the premier as successes of the executive are verifiable, the right conferred by the people to the government coalition of center-right is indisputable, so as it is undeniable that Berluscconi did not have convictions against him and that his majority was able to withstand any attempt to shove this far put in place. Only
investigating with a certain depth you can see the cracks in the building Berlusconi.

The victories by the center in Parliament in recent key votes, a reflection it can be interpreted in a manner very different from the triumphalist vision proposed by Berlusconi. The settlement of the Chamber of Deputies, after the general elections of 2008, the center-right coalition in support of the government counted on 335 items between PDL and the League - as well as some elements of the Mixed Group - on an absolute majority of 316. The vote of confidence of 14 December 2010 ended with a tight 314 to 311, a victory by just three votes, and without an absolute majority. If you do not mind Berlusconi said it had received only win votes in the key to the survival of the executive, but the numbers have confirmed a gradual erosion of the majority that now is forced to play almost at par with the opposition in every vote. This makes it more interesting by the media every vote and therefore offers greater emphasis on the center-right parliamentary victories, but this is really the celebration of achievements that, with the numbers starting term, should have been more than discounted. Berlusconi brings wins narrow victory when they should be business as usual. They strike in the second round

phrases Berlusconi

be clear that I have no fear of me to judge.

front of the judges have never escaped, and the mountain of mud of the most grotesque and improbable allegations in 17 years of legal persecution has not even given birth to a mouse: the thousands of judges who have dealt with obsessively about me and my life have not found one shred of evidence that has governed the examination of the courts.

If one examines the judicial history of Berlusconi, however, is seen as more than twenty of the proceedings that have seen or not meant to see it all there has been an acquittal on the merits. In particular the process on
Lodo Mondadori, All Iberian 1 process and the process was completed in Lentini requirement, but the process for false testimony about P2 was affected by the amnesty granted by Decree of the President of the Republic 75/1990. The indictment for tax fraud per l'acquisto dei terreni di Macherio è stata amnistiata a seguito del condono fiscale sancito dalla  Legge 413/1991 . Vi sono poi le imputazioni per frode fiscale dei processi All Iberian 2 e SME-Ariosto 2, terminate con assoluzioni poiché il fatto, a seguito della Legge Delega 366/2001 e del conseguente Decreto Legislativo 61/2002 , non costituisce più reato.
Questo campionario, unito a norme che limitano la condannabilità degli imputati varante durante i governi Berlusconi, tra cui spicca la Legge 251/2005 che accorcia i tempi di prescrizione, stride in maniera eclatante con le affermazioni del premier .

Risulta poi curiosa the availability of the Prime Minister to be judged by the Court of Ministers. As shown in Constitutional Law 1 / 1989 the Court of Ministers is the competent authority proceedings for acts committed by the Ministers of the Republic took place in the performance of their duties. Not only would be quite ridiculous to think that the parties Arcore and any aiding and abetting the prostitution of minors (the concussion might be another matter) are crimes committed by Berlusconi in his capacity as Chairman of the Board, but that phrase is revealed in a Berlusconi contradiction with itself. If the crimes must be tried by the Court of Ministers, and then were committed by a Minister of the Republic the exercise of its functions, it is meaningless to talk about invasion of privacy of a private citizen.
is therefore clear that Berlusconi's sentence is only a smokescreen, the evocation of an impossible situation to show a willingness does not exist.

Equally interesting are the statements that are outside the judicial level and relate to the political. The name "traitors" for Fini and his inseriesce is typical in a rut of thinking that Berlusconi sees the elections as a clash of candidates for the Presidency of the Council. In fact, the Italian people elect a Parliament, the majority of which will then be given a government formally appointed by the President of Republic. Furthermore, Article 67 of the Constitution states:

Each member of Parliament represents the Nation and carries out his duties without a binding mandate.

This means that each Member is free to act according to conscience: this is such a Mastella and Dini were free to leave the center in 2008 causing the fall of Prodi II Government, so the exponents of FLI did not have constraints Legal or with the center-right coalition with the figure of Berlusconi. The definition of traitors is therefore not applicable to the formal level, and it is not the electorate's center unless you summarize the program, values \u200b\u200band existence same coalition in thought and deed of Silvio Berlusconi and the desire not to send the government the left.

Berlusconi's speech and then mixes in a wise truth, exaggeration and pure fiction, announced them in every way like a campaign speech - a significant step on the charge sheet - but made a point of view diametrically opposed to the Berlusconi time.
The contrast between the "new" and "old politics" is losing ground in his speech to the inevitable age of certified and political premier , and are more and more claims of successive governments, real or alleged, obtained from Berlusconi's team. A complete turnaround from the past, but has the credentials to become yet another successful transformation of the character Berlusconi.