Facial Hair And Herpes

Professional politicians (Part II)

Mirko Tremaglia (FLI)

After examining in detail the seniority policy senators XVI's term, the same study was repeated, again using data made available by Parliament Open updated on March 10, 2011, for members of the Chamber of Deputies.

The big difference between the number of deputies and senators, with the first double in number than the latter, it gives right away what should be the physiological differences between the two chambers. First
lose their importance the minimum and maximum values, related more to individual personalities and groups in the parliamentary complex, in concert, the increase in the number of elements increases the importance of the mean and standard deviation as an index to measure the degree of renewal of the ruling class that deals with the Chamber.

The ten members with the highest number of days
as a parliamentarian (as of 10/03/2011)

Examining the table show the oldest Parliamentary in terms of activities, we see in reality are six members who have surpassed the ideology of 10,000 days, compared with - taking into account the 30 days of discrepancy between the detection of the House and the Senate - four in the Senate. The two values \u200b\u200bare thus in line.
From the perspective of the parliamentary groups there is a certain homogeneity, with three elements UDC, two PD and PDL. In addition there are two FLI - elected in the lists of the PDL - and two from Mixed - one elected from the ranks of the UDC and one in the PDL.
In the list there are many familiar faces, and two in particular - Fini and Casini - who occupy the role of leader party, reflecting the significant role that the generation yet she found the policy in the 80's in Parliament today.

Ten Members with the lowest date
first entry into Parliament (as of 03/10/2011)

If instead it is estimated the date of first entry into Parliament, where the "top ten " expands to twelve elements Because of ex aequo , appear to be eight deputies entered here before 1980, compared to six in the Senate.
analyzing the data from the point of view of the parliamentary groups, is known as the PD component falls to a single element, while the remaining two UDC - more than one hour in the mixed - and now four members of the PDL, then passed to two more FLI and two on the Mixed.
In this second table are not many names that appear in the first, and indeed show values relatively low: These data show a phenomenon, in fact relatively common in the parliament, which goes far beyond the non-election for one or two terms of a particular Member, but instead has seen the comeback in the last two legislatures of several ladies out of Parliament since the First Republic.

analysis of days of presence in Parliament (as at 03.10.2011) Parliamentary Group for Pooled

If the average seniority of the House is about a years less than that of the Senate, there are many differences between the two rooms if you look at the split parliamentary groups. It is in this case, the mixed group to have the highest average, close to 4,000 days, followed by FLI, UDC, PdL, PD, League IdV and group composition with younger managers.

Group Analysis parlamentre PDL (as of 10/03/2011)

FLI analysis of the parliamentary group (data to 10/03/2011)

Compared to the Senate, the victory of 2008 has been used more profitably in the House, with 82 MPs to the first term of a total of 228, the real difference between the two classrooms, however, is located in the most senior MPs, and particularly among those who have had two legislatures.
completely different from the Senate instead of the split FLI: the House seem to be in fact the older members to have turned their backs to the formation of Berlusconi, a sign of the gradual separation of the right represented by the MSI and the historical policy of the PDL. The presence of veterans in this training policy as Fini and trammel nets, combined with limited size of the group, makes the average length of FLI very high, but the high variance is indicative of a discreet presence giovanile, anche se fondata più su coloro che sono alla seconda legislatura che sulle new entry , essenziale per dare un futuro alla formazione finiana.

Analisi del gruppo parlamentare PD (dati al 10/03/2011)

Analisi del gruppo parlamentare Lega (dati al 10/03/2011)

Il Partito Democratico porta in Aula il medesimo numero di new entry del PdL, ma su un totale di gruppo inferiore di 22 unità. Questo fattore, unito all'ampia delegation behind with two terms, is the reason for the improved performance of PD compared to PDL in terms of generation capacity for renewal.
is particularly interesting, however, the comparison between PD and the Northern League. The two parties have a very similar average time (just 50 days apart), but the graphs show a very different trend. The PD shows the development of a stable party, with a pyramidal structure rather sweet performance between the various steps represented by the legislatures. The league, as evidenced also by the increased standard deviation, show the characteristic signs of a booming party: a high number of young people in the first term, but quite a burden rilevante rispetto al totale delle figure storiche. Non si può parlare quindi di ricambio generazionale e rinnovamento della classe dirigente per questa formazione, quanto piuttosto di mantenimento dei vecchi volti unito all'aggiunta di un gran numero di nuovi ingressi.

Analisi del gruppo parlamentare IdV (dati al 10/03/2011)

L'Italia dei Valori mostra un andamento analogo a quello della Lega, anche se, essendo una formazione di per sé più giovane, non evidenzia al proprio interno elementi di particolare anzianità.

Analysis of the parliamentary group UDC (as of 03/10/2011)

The centrist party of Casini, however, shows a strong inability to internal renewal, as shown by the small number of members entered in the last Parliament legislature. In addition to the considerable weight of historical figures, affects the weight of the relevant portion of those who have had two legislatures, as if the UDC still lived in the income of a generation change took place during the 2006 elections.

Analysis of the Mixed Parliamentary Group (as of 03/10/2011)

Analysis of the Parliamentary Group Leaders (as of 03/10/2011)

Particularly interesting are also charts on mixed group and that of managers, respectively, the formation oldest and youngest of the Chamber of Deputies. The Mixed
represents all those who, for ideology or calculation, are placed outside of the usual partisan alliances - together of course to the members of linguistic minorities. The analysis shows that to make this choice are mainly the elderly policy, historical names such as La Malfa Tabacci or leaked from the parties with which they were candidates.
In contrast to the group of managers was created recently to clot formation in one of the disappointed members of the Joint FLI and who wanted to support explicitly govenro and return in the majority but without adhering to the PDL or league. The group, as we see, is very young, and while questions arise about the real intentions of young parliamentarians, no packages of votes related to their personality and therefore no certain guarantees of re-election if they had to rely on their own resources, from 'another is a positive sign for Berlusconi managed to gather a group of young people, which may hide the leaders of tomorrow in its support.

analysis of days of presence in Parliament (as of 03/10/2011)
aggregate by region

analysis by region is seen as there are only three - Abruzzo, Molise and Calabria - to overcome the psychological threshold of the average value of 3,000 days, but most of all affects how a region can produce as many as 99 deputies in Lombardy has a value very close to that threshold, even taking into account that two of the ten most senior MPs were elected in this county.

parliamentary group for each region

Analysis of days of presence in Parliament (as of 10/03/2011)
aggregate in a region

If you examine the split of the parliamentary groups, it is possible to observe in detail the behavior of parties in the territory . As for the Senate, you can take for example a center-majority region, one in which it dominates the PDL League and one in traction. In Emilia Romagna
the three main parties - PD, PDL League and - values \u200b\u200bare relatively close, with the PD about 200 days under the PDL and the League about 200 under the PD. All three formations have increased the number of deputies (one PD and PDL, two of the league), showing a conti fatti un'analoga capacità di svecchiamento della classe dirigente.
In Sicilia la situazione è completamente differente. Sebbene il PdL sia in grado di contare su una delegazione di deputati doppia rispetto al PD, doppia è anche l'anzianità parlamentare dei suoi deputati. In una regione in cui è sempre storicamente stato debole, il centrosinistra ha quindi puntato su un rinnovamento sostanzioso della propria classe dirigente, in presenza per di più di un calo di tre unità della propria delegazione di parlamentari, laddove il PdL non ha saputo approfittare della propria posizione predominante e di un incremento di quattro parlamentari per eseguire un'adeguata operazione di inserimento di nuove leve tra i propri deputati dell'isola.
In Veneto, infine, la violenta espansione della Lega ha portato ad un incremento di ben undici unità, a scapito di PD (-3) e soprattutto PdL (-5). Eppure, in questa situazione, è stato ancora il PD a portare in Parlamento i deputati con la minore anzianità, segno di come nel PdL si sia cercato principalmente di conservare l'elezione di coloro che già erano stati eletti in passato, e nella Lega ci si sia limitati invece a fare spazio alle nuove leve sfruttando i maggiori posti a disposizione, senza un vero ricambio.

Analisi dei giorni di presenza in Parlamento (dati al 10/03/2011)
Aggregato per sesso

finally using sex as a discriminating factor for Members in the analysis, emerges as women - about 21% of the total - have been serving about 700 days less than that of male colleagues.

analysis of days of presence in Parliament (as of 03/10/2011)
Aggregate for parliamentary group / sex

From split for parliamentary group, simply by counting the number of women in each education stands the value of PD, can boast of the shares rose around 40% and to contain only 45% of women dell'intera Camera dei Deputati.
Analizzando per anzianità, e prendendo in esame per validità statistica solo i gruppi con una componente femminile di almeno dieci elementi (PD, PdL e Lega), emerge come sia ancora il PD a fare meglio della formazione berlusconiana, mentre il Carroccio riesce a fare meglio di entrambe sfruttando il maggior numero di posti a disposizione ottenuti nella XVI legislatura.

Alla Camera ancora più che al Senato si evidenziano quindi le differenze tra centrosinistra e centrodestra in termini di ricambio generazionale e capacità di presentazione e inserimento di nuovi parlamentari. L'unica notizia positiva per il futuro del berlusconismo come modello di destra è l'elevata anzianità dei componenti of FLI, which presents them as the most nostalgic of MSI and as a force of renewal for a new right, and contrary to the low average length of Managers, a group united for now only by the desire to support the government but that in the future could be, if it can find a political identity, a genuine third leg for the majority in support of Silvio Berlusconi.

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Merkel to the test of Saxony

Wolfgang Böhmer (CDU), President of Sachsen-Anhalt

After the election in Hamburg on 20 February, which has seen return to government SPD after a decade size in the second city in Germany after Berlin, the long election year in Germany meets its second meeting in land east of Saxony-Anhalt, where he will vote March 20.

The outgoing chairman is Wolfgang Böhmer (CDU), which holds a Grand Coalition CDU / SPD. This places the land neutral between the elements of the Bundesrat, in which the region has four MPs.
The Sachsen-Anhalt can be considered, noting its history, been a swing : elections held since the reunification of Germany have in fact seen the alternation of governments and presidents of different colors and compositions.
We have moved from a purely conservative black-yellow coalition of social democratic governments in the early years of children with and without the Grünen and the external support of the radical left, and back to conservative governments and finally the Grand Coalition today.

The Sachsen-Anhalt has a population of about 2.4 million people (almost 3% of the population of Germany), and with a GDP that is about 2% of the German Bundesrat and a weight equivalent to just under 6% of the total may be comparable to a region such as Sardinia and Friuli Venezia Giulia.

The last regional elections saw the CDU establish itself as the first party with 36% of the votes, followed by the link SPD by 24% and 21%. In
lander of the former GDR generally has less value to the conventio excludendum against Linke, which exists in the western regions of the country, and really the strength of Linke is likely to be the determining factor in the elections of March 20.

Trend election in February 2011 in Saxony-Anhalt

trends recorded by Infratest DIMAP in the month of February 2011 show the link as the second party of the land , as in 2006, but much closer to the CDU, ahead of six percentage points. At the same time, la SPD appare in ascesa e si trova a tre punti dalla Linke al 23%.
Le due forze di sinistra, che potrebbero contare anche sui Grünen dati al 7%, sarebbero quindi maggioritarie, ma i rapporti di forza tra i partiti escluderebbero un governo rosso-verde con appoggio esterno della Linke, e anzi richiederebbero espressamente che, in una coalizione rosso-rosso-verde, la scelta del presidente del land toccasse proprio alla formazione di La Fontaine, schieramento di maggioranza nella coalizione.
Ad Hamburg, valutando i risultati reali delle elezioni del 20 febbraio rispetto ai sondaggi della Infratest Dimap, si nota come la SPD sia stata sottostimata di circa 3 punti, e la Linke e la FDP di uno, mentre la CDU è stata sovrastimata of a point and two Grünen. If you want to apply similar margins of error in surveys available for Sachsen-Anhalt is seen as the values \u200b\u200bshowed a situation in reality is still very fluid and uncertain, especially given that it is now almost a month since the last survey.

direct preferences for presidential candidates

The option of a president Linke, as the graph of consensus candidates, however, seems distasteful to most voters of Sachsen-Ahnalt, despite the strength of the Linke election as a party, only a minority of 10% of voters vedrebbe di buon occhio un presidente appartenente a tale schieramento, segno di come la Linke non sia stata ancora del tutto metabolizzata nel sistema politico del land come forza di governo.

Linke e comunismo nella percezione dell'elettorato

Un particolare sondaggio condotto sempre dalla Infratest Dimap mostra infatti come per il 35% del campione elettorale tra gli obiettivi della Linke vi sia l'esplicito ritorno al regime comunista, cifra che diventa maggioranza assoluta tra gli elettori della CDU, ed è al di sopra del 30% anche tra i simpatizzanti degli altri partiti di centrosinistra.

The strength of the CDU and SPD is therefore highly probable that makes a repeat of the Grand Coalition 2006, with a chairman of the CDU and the exclusion from the government of Linke land.
In this scenario there would be no significant impact at national level, since the region would remain neutral between the elements of the Bundesrat.

The greatest threat for Merkel could come from a strengthening of the SPD: If you exceed the Social Link has become the first center-left party, the hypothesis of a red-red-green coalition led by SPD would be a viable alternative - if you look at the specific consent to presidential candidates for more welcome to the electorate - and even better for the SPD than the Grand Coalition : the passage of four elements of the Bundesrat from neutrality to opposition by the federal government would make an even more precarious government already tried the election and the scandal of Hamburg ' former Minister Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, while the election results would certainly not negligible impacts in the next round, March 27 in Rheinland-Pfalz and Baden-Württemberg black stronghold.

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The map of vulnerability to climate

The Kalahari Desert (Namibia)

recently released, the journal Global Ecology and Biogeography , a study by J. Samson, D. Berteaux, MM McGill and BJ Humphries entitled Geographic Disparities and Moral Hazards IN THE PREDICTED IMPACTS OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON HUMAN Populations, funded by the Natural Sciences and Engineering Council of Canada and conducted by the staff of the Department of Natural Sciences at McGill University in Montreal.

After a series of studies on the migration of plant and animal species in response to climate change, the search for Samson focuses on the man, trying to build a global level, a map of human vulnerability with respect to global warming. L ' abstract Article is available at this link .

The map of vulnerability to climate J. Samson

The research is based on three sets of basic data: current models for the increase demomgrafico, those relating to the development of Earth's average temperature, and those specific to CO 2 . These data were spatialized in order to capture specific trends for these parameters locally.

The map shows the results of vulnerability, highlighting on a scale of colors ranging from green (no negative impact) to red (Strong negative) effects of climate change on the planet in the year 2050. The most disadvantaged areas are mainly located in the equatorial and tropical Central and South America, ranging, in the Arabian Peninsula, Indonesia, almost the entire African continent.

At first glance, the findings of Samson challenge current theories about global warming, since they see significant impacts for humanity in the areas where we expect lower increases in temperature. But do not forget how in the study have been adequately taken into account the demographic factor is that the starting conditions.
Europe or North America have rates of growth demografica molto bassi, e, al netto dei fenomeni migratori, non vedranno in futuro crescite sensibili della popolazione; questo vuol dire che, anche in caso di problemi legati al riscaldamento globale, la domanda di risorse non sarà comunque in grado di superare l'offerta.
Al tempo stesso, nelle aree equatoriali e tropicali le pratiche agricole fondamentali alla sussistenza si svolgono già oggi in condizioni difficili: gli aumenti di temperatura futuri, anche se inferiori a quelli di altre zone del mondo, rischiano di spezzare il fragile equilibrio di quelle zone, facendo letteralmente esplodere la catena alimentare con tutti i tragici problemi che questo comporterebbe. Al contrario, le zone temperate e quelle polari sono in grado di sopportare temperature rises much more before incurring such problems.

by research data thus shows a very clear point: the major effects of global warming will affect the places and people who are less responsible, raising a genuine moral issue in the theme of climate change.
The next steps of research will of course include the inevitable aging of the model, or through the use of any new population projections and climatological conditions, both through the inclusion of more specific geographical, social and policy at national level in order to improve ' accuracy of the final result, with the aim of building a real quantity index of internationally recognized climate vulnerability that can be a real reference in future international agreements on climate.

What you are trying to reach, then, is an assessment of climate change that is the result of an interpenetration of climatological and anthropological criteria. If this goal from the humanitarian point of view can not be faulted, however, the question that raises is very deep: it is proper to assess climate change and global warming in particular, in relation to the effects they have on humans? It is correct to think that increases in temperature are not influential - or even beneficial - for example in terms of production are non-agricultural problems, or issues of gravity, however, lower than that - although climatological children - who have a severe impact on quality of human life?

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The center chose Turin Fassino

Piero Fassino

Sunday, January 27 there were the primary center for the last major city that still waiting for them, Torino .
A number of factors made the event extremely important and sensitive for the coalition and the Democratic Party in particular: concerns about pollution of the vote after the bad shape of Naples, and the fear of low turnout in a city considered by many as the key test for the survival of the center in the north, the participation of Piero Fassino as a leading candidate of the Democratic Party and the uncertainty about how people would respond to Turin one of the most held up between the political representatives of the "Casta" senior certified and political and especially one who, with the words "we have a bank" signs, rightly or wrongly, the end of the perception of moral superiority of the left.
A tense election campaign, with five candidates remained in contention after several withdrawals excellent, certainly not helped to make the atmosphere more relaxed.

Primaries on January 27, swept away these fears, giving a day of extraordinary success at the center.

The important thing is of course been that of participation: 53,185 votes, of which 53,002 valid, are found to be clearly outstanding, well above expectations and well above even the subject analogous previous consultations at national level in 2007 and 2009 that crowned respectively Veltroni and Bersani, when he was always under the 40,000 participants.
The voters in the primaries in Turin were the 21.99% of the votes won by Mercedes Bresso City in the last regional elections held in 2010, a figure in line with the ratios obtained in the towns of Milan and Bologna raffrontando le medesime tipologie di consultazioni ed esaltato dal fatto che nella coalizione a sostegno di Mercedes Bresso sono conteggiati anche i voti dell'UDC, una formazione estranea alla composizione classica del centrosinistra e che sicuramente non sosterrà il candidato uscito dalle primarie alle elezioni di maggio.

Risultati delle primarie di Torino del 27 febbraio 2011

La tabella riportata, ottenuta aggregando i dati presenti sul sito del Partito Democratico di Torino per circoscrizione, focalizza l'attenzione proprio sul vincitore delle primarie e sulle dimensioni della vittoria ottenuta.
Piero Fassino, last secretary of the DS, will be the mayoral candidate of the center, having won the primary with 29,297 preferences, representing 55.28% of valid votes. More than double the direct competitor , Davide Gariglio, which accounted for 27.39%, while the other candidates have stopped at 12.42%, respectively (Passoni), 4.15% (Curtis) and 0.76% (Avenue).

These findings offer a wide range of food for thought, on which the center will linger in Turin and studied carefully in view of the challenge in May's election.

First victory of Piero Fassino was clear and fairly homogeneous in terms of geography: the ex-secretary exceeded the absolute majority of preferences in all ten districts in the city, by obtaining its worst result in the ninth and the best in the VI. It is important to note that even in districts II and X, which surround the area of \u200b\u200bMirafiori and where it still counts many workers and former workers FIAT, Fassino has been taken over by 55% in spite of his utterances very clear for the SI the recent referendum among the workers of Turin carmaker could be a question mark on its performance. The possible bias on Fassino have not commented on fertile ground: neither the old-master policy, or his long absence from London, nor the support of top Roman Party have somehow clouded his candidacy, and these issues will have to be careful in the center-stage of the campaign to prevent slips. If

Fassino has shown a sample of regularity in the ten towns ciroscrizioni, the performance of Gariglio instead have suffered heavily in the territorial factor, ranging from 19% to 36% of the district VIII of IX. The campaign Gariglio, based primarily on the clash of generations and the renewal has not paid. The reasons for this failure are many: only one in three voters in the primaries was less than 45 years, and the average length of the electorate has high instances of poorly implemented renewal highlighted by Gariglio. Secondly, the theme of renewal was intended as an attempt to close the decade of Chiamparino, the current, popular mayor. The consensus from Chiamparino enjoyed the support of all to Fassino and the attempt - perhaps compelled - by Gariglio to be an alternative and do not dive in a context of continuity were powerful brakes to its consent. Finally, the support of the "lords of preferences" and Placido Laus may have been counterproductive in the long Gariglio, which was found to be a candidate in turn establishment and falling into incoherence with respect to its position.

Left of PD, stands a good result by Passoni, especially in districts I and VIII, historically those most adverse to the left Turin. As already Bologna, candidates out of the PD have shown themselves more capable of attracting consensus in areas traditionally hostile to the left, even though in fact the expression of more extreme movements. Passoni, supported by civic clubs SEL can somehow quantify the effect of Vendola the people of the center. Giuliano Pisapia Amelia Frascaroli in Milan and Bologna had obtained the official support of Left Ecology and Freedom, and Vendola had spent in person for their candidacy, and both have achieved excellent results in the primaries, the first even win, Vendola sign of what is able to break through the center of nell'elettorato. The support of local clubs and Ecology of Freedom Left without that of his secretary Passoni allowed to reach 12%, a result which, though good, the distances sharply from its counterparts in Milan and Bologna, and highlights the strong problem personalism that grips SEL.

Geographical breakdown of the votes

To analyze the data from the geographical point of view, it was compared the distribution of the primary vote of 2011 with the approval of the center- the latest consultations the same type as those that will in 2011 - Municipal 2006 - and the last elections ever - Regional 2010.
The graph shows a clear trend some very specific, and some signals that are interpreted as the only warning signs in an otherwise perfect day.
First you notice the sharp increase in the size of constituencies historically adverse to the left, I and VIII. The excellent results achieved by Passoni in these two districts suggests a certain correlation between these two figures, dispelling the possibility of pollution of the vote and leaving even mean a penetration of the center in these two districts. For other constituencies are
can speak of stability, such as II, the slight increase, as the IV, or decrease, such as X, but certainly the center should reflect the decline in area VI, where stronger in recent years has been the League's penetration, and real collapse of the third, which gives even his role as the main reservoir of votes of the coalition.

Summing up, the day in Turin can be considered triumphant in all respects for the center, but at the same time charge Fassino, the PD and the coalition of all significant responsibility for keeping faith image winning bid on February 27, compared to a center that, at this point, you can play with ruthlessness of the attack knowing they have nothing to lose.

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Data AGCom January 2011

Logo AGCOM

After the boom media Berlusconi in December, which had seen the Prime Minister in first place among all parties as political and institutional presence in the news, the month of January has been a sort of return to what might be termed a standard well-established structure telegiornalistica the time of the Berlusconi media overexposure of the general government at the expense of a parliamentary majority will become ever perceived, anche dai giornalisti, come il braccio armato del Governo in Parlamento.



Dati AGcom gennaio 2011


Ai dati AGCom relativi al mese di gennaio 2011 sono state applicate delle categorizzazioni per eseguire sia un'analisi mirata alla distribuzione dei tempi tra maggioranza, opposizione ed istituzioni, sia a quella per macroarea politica.

Dati AGCom gennaio 2011 aggregati per
Istituzioni - Maggioranza - Opposizione

Nel mese di gennaio time attributable to the institutional, subject to a trend well established, was everywhere greater than 33% in the level playing field settling anywhere over 45% and often - all the news except TG2, TG3, and TGLa7 Rainews - over 50%. It is also to be noted that about 77% of institutional time has been employed by the Prime Minister (38% of the time institutional, 19% of total time) and government (39% of the time institutional, 19% of total time), to emphasize as is actually the executive power is the true protagonist of the Italian media scene.

suffer most of the flood is of course the government's parliamentary majority, reduced in January to a result less than 21%. It is of course the PDL to dominate the media space of the majority, while the League and the minor parties are not the crumbs.

Even the opposition was penalized in terms of television, though, with a value of just under 29%, the gap with the provisions of level playing field is reduced to about four percentage points, or about 13 hours spread space between the month and all the news AGCom championships.

Within the space of the opposition is more dedicated to the PD, which reaches a little lower than the absolute share of PDL. Having provided the opposition, however, a larger space than that for the majority, the opposition PD weighs much less than the PDL side in the majority (51.55% against 73.23% of the PDL). Despite having more space available, then the fragmentation of the opposition mentioned entries helps to make less effective the message, confirming once again the superiority in the use of Berlusconi's media for political purposes.
It should also be noted that the total space for the opposition really is badly distributed in the news: only the TG3 and Rainews fact the opposition more than 30%, and only on these two stations the opposition appears to be above average . The figure confirms another important feature Italian television channel of communication, namely the existence of heavily polarized channels: however, as the issuers of the government pleaded the percentages achieved by the executive touch embarrassing levels (above 60-70%), those generally considered hostile to the team Berlusconi the percentages are much more balanced.

AGCom January 2011 data aggregated to area political and cultural

The prevalence of the opposition forces over those of the majority in terms of media space could thinking with a clear preponderance del centrosinistra sul centrodestra. In realtà, come si evince dal grafico, questa situazione non è rispettata, ed il centrosinistra risulta essere lo spazio politico prevalente soltanto per alcuni decimali, e solo perché nell'analisi effettuata la Lega Nord viene conteggiata come partito di destra e non di centrodestra. Se si eseguisse un confronto sommando destra e centrodestra da un lato e sinistra e centrosinistra dall'altro, le formazioni conservatrici risulterebbero predominanti in Italia di una decina di punti percentuali.
In realtà in Italia non è più possibile parlare di logica bipolare: la scissione tra la sinitra cosiddetta radicale e quella cosiddetta riformista; la separazione, più valoriale che politica, tra destra e centrodestra; l'esistenza di un centro cattolico e soprattutto l'esistenza di un'opposizione interna allo stesso centrodestra obbligano a condurre analisi più elaborate.

Tra i telegiornali più significativi, con un totale di informazione mensile superiore alle due ore, quello che dà maggiore spazio al centrodestra nel suo complesso risulta essere il TGLa7 di Mentana, con oltre il 55% dello spazio totale. Se è vero che questa testata è anche quella che offre lo spazio maggiore alla formazione finiana (oltre il 5%), il 17% offerto dal PdL è tra i valori più alti di tutto il panorama telegiornalistico italiano del mese di gennaio.
Al contrario è l'emittente all-news della RAI, Rainews, ad offire il maggior spazio al centrosinistra, con il 45% del totale, ed è il Partito Democratico ad essere la formazione privilegiata da tale emittente, scalzando quindi il TG3, dove pure il centrosinistra raggiunge il 40%, come roccaforte mediatica delle forze progressiste.

A livello di aderenza dei TG alle norme della par condicio i migliori risultati sono stati raggiunti nel mese da TG3, TGLa7 e TG2: in tutte e tre queste testate lo spazio istituzionale è stato racchiuso tra il 45% ed il 48% del totale, la maggioranza tra il 23% ed il 26% e l'opposizione tra il 27% ed il 31%. I valori sono ben lontani dalle prescrizioni della legge, ma sono quanto di meglio l'informazione italiana sia riuscita a fare in that effect in January 2011.
The fact that the mentality of these two titles are considered anti-government antiberlusconiane and is no longer a proof of how decades of careless use of television have led to perceived as partial and deployed the news, at least quantitatively, the closer to the equator Our information system is able to churn out.

Design Your Own Wrestling Clothes

The Jury blocks of commercials Forum Nuclear

Enrico Testa, chairman of the Nuclear Forum Italian

In the end, it also decreed the competent authority.
For months the world of the Internet had lashed out at the spot Forum sponsored by the Italian Nuclear , with detailed analysis on the form and content of the spot - even on this blog - more or less hit and parodies of mold expressly antinuclear, accused of conducting a real campaign for energy Nuclear and construction of nuclear power stations on Italian soil.

It was the same IAP dell'Autodisciplina Advertising Institute, to raise the issue through its Audit Committee, and on February 18, 2011 the jury ruled the irregularity of the spot. In particular, the ruling says

The Jury examined the documents and hearing the parties, states that the challenged advertising is inconsistent with Article. 2 of the Code of Conduct of Business Communication, read and applied in the light of the "preliminary and general rules" and supplemented by the provisions of art. 46, and ordering its termination in accordance with the reasons given.

Although the specific reasons for the sentence must still be filed, an analysis of articles called into question it is possible to speculate based on the causes that led to the IAP to censor the ad.
Article 2 of the Code of Conduct of Business Communication says

2 - Misleading marketing
Communication Business communication must avoid any statement or representation which is likely to mislead consumers, even by omission, ambiguity or exaggeration not obviously hyperbole, especially with regard to the characteristics and effects of the product, price, gratuity, the conditions sale, distribution, the identity of the persons represented, prizes or awards.
In assessing the misleading nature of commercial communication is taken as a benchmark the average consumer of the reference group.

Article 46 reads instead:

Article 46 - Appeals to the public
is subject to the provisions of this Code any message aimed at raising the public on topics of social interest, including specific, or solicits, directly or indirectly, the voluntary contribution of contributions of any kind, aimed at achieving social objectives.
These messages must contain the identity of the author and recipient of the request and the social objective to be achieved.
The promoters of these messages can freely express their views on the subject matter, but it must be clear that these are views of the same promoters and not facts. However
posts must not:
1. exploits the human misery harming the dignity of the person, or use shocking reminders such as to generate unjustified alarmism, feelings of fear or serious disturbance;
2. blame or set against liability to those who do not intend to support the appeal;
3. present in an exaggerated the degree or nature of the social problem for which the appeal is addressed;
4. specific or overestimate the potential value of the initiative;
5. encourage children to offers of money.
These provisions also apply to commercial communications that contain references to social causes.

The spot, this is the message that travels from the evaluation of the jury, is misleading.
And it is misleading, given the articles cited, because mislead the listener, we can assume omissions, ambiguities and exaggeration in the presentation of the positions in the field. In particular, analysis of the advertisement on the network, the points seem to be indicted:

• These messages must contain the identity of the author and recipient of the request and the social objective to be achieved.
• The promoters of these messages can freely express their views on the subject matter, but it must be clear that these are views of the same promoters and not facts. If

emerge from commercials such as the Nuclear Forum Italian as author and receiver, the knowledge of the sponsors of the forum itself will radically change the perception. In addition, many of the phrases that accompany the moves, which represent the positions of the contenders are proposed to appear as a question and answer dialogue rather than mere opinions in comparison, raising the false impression that the answer to the doubts of the skeptic nuclearists . The Italian Nuclear Forum commented on the news:

Forum Nuclear Italian, reserving any further assessment, informs that its TV commercial was judged by the Jury dell'Autodisciplina Advertising correct but not in accordance with Art. 2 in that the message "Does not communicate to the viewer's social objectives that the association advertiser wants to achieve." The Forum reiterates that the purpose of the communication campaign, including the commercial part, is to help revitalize the nuclear debate in Italy after decades of silence and provide arguments that can help everyone to gain a more conscious, and it "pro" or "against" on this important issue. To this basic idea has been used as a chess game: a simple and understandable by all to represent two different visions clash, a pro-nuclear and the other against it. Every pawn move on the chessboard is a thought on nuclear power. Bianchi and blacks, for and against are faced with legitimate questions. In the end it turns out that the player is playing a match against himself and his doubts. The main concept was therefore to draw attention to the fact that the only way to dispel the doubts is to form an opinion based on solid foundations and informed. The Forum notes that, while respecting the decision of the Jury, the Jury d'Ethique publicitaire Brussels had instead considered the correct spot released by the Belgian Nuclear Forum, which is exactly similar to that passed in Italy, with the same structure even though through different creative idea. Even the Belgian spot was divided by the exposure of doubtful reasons for and against nuclear energy and referred to its website the final screen.

Forum Nuclear Italian, in fact, begs the question: is not the idea of \u200b\u200bplaying chess, or The message described in words, to be partial.
are the ways in which that message is presented to arouse in the viewer the idea that nuclear power is a positive solution in a predetermined spot declared to launch a debate on atomic energy to propagate without groped for one of the parties.
The description of the spot in the statement of the Forum is not aderebte final effect of the advertisement: as the network had already been gutted, and as the jury has established the sequence of scenes, graphics and text of the advertisement broadcast to the viewer a different message from what the Forum has reiterated that in his statement.

Forum Nuclear And indeed, the really throws the mask in a later statement:

A new version of the spot of the Nuclear Forum, which takes account of the findings made by the Committee dell'Autodisciplina Advertising will be placed on the website tomorrow www.forumnucleare. com. Following delivery of the Institute, the Forum has decided to change the movie by inserting a clear reference to its position calling for the same pro-nuclear opinion in advance dell'Autodisciplina Advertising Institute.
Since Jury did not dispute the content and substance of our communication - as is our detractors have tried to persuade instrumentally - the spot has remained the same as that provided in this version but it contains the statement "We support," on plus a question asked the audience: "And you?". We stress that the lack of reference to pro nuclear position of the Forum had not been included in the previous version because it was our intention to be balanced, giving equal status to the two positions: for and against.
The idea to change the ad to try to respond to what is raised by the jury within the perspective of transparency and clarity that distinguish the mode of operation of the Forum and the objective to revive nuclear debate in Italy after decades of silence and provide arguments that can help everyone to gain a more conscious, it is 'pro' or 'against' on this subject.

In his own words, the Forum expresses filonucleare Nuclear Italian, and admits that the ad reflected the actual position of the forum, giving truth to the rumors that the advertisement a deception to the viewers, to which the position was nuclearists shown instinctively good and reasonable in a seemingly neutral and impartial .
Justice was made.

Instructions To Build Vezon

a signal to Merkel from Hamburg

Olaf Scholz (SPD), the new mayor of Hamburg

From the evening of February 20, 2011 Hamburg is back in his hand to the left after ten years of center-right government .
If the outcome of this election was basically granted, provided all the polls since the collapse of the black-green coalition that ruled the city, the proportions of the victory of the SPD and CDU are contextual defeat that will not be able to propagate not like a tsunami throughout the long election year that will see six more German lander engaged in the renewal of their administration.

outcomes of local elections in 2011 land Hamburg

Distribution of votes in local elections in 2011
Hamburg land

As shown in the summary table and its graph, including first and second preferences, the CDU dropped by more than twenty percentage points, reaching just under 22%, the worst result since the war. Certainly much of
election debacle Angela Merkel's party comes from local factors: the CDU had been able to find the keys to the heart of Hamburg Ole von Beust applying for, openly gay, a member of the reformist wing of the party and therefore has a progressive profile that will attract part of 'electorate of SPD in a severe crisis of identity after Schröder was seen from the people of the left as being too conservative and wavering. The contradictory results of the consultation in 2008, the abandonment of the coalition and especially by replacing Grünen von Beust of the conservative iron Ahlhaus were contributing factors that led to the collapse of the party in these elections.
However, if local factors may have heightened le dimensioni della sconfitta, la CDU paga pegno anche per cause di livello nazionale, legate sia al partito sia al governo federale.
Il forte periodo di espansione della CDU degli ultimi anni si è tramutato, in qualche modo, in un logoramento della sua identità. Nel tentativo di conquistare consenso e conseguire maggiori vittorie elettorali, il partito ha via via diversificato la propria offerta. La CDU di Amburgo, come causa e conseguenza delle sue vittorie, è diventata qualcosa di molto diverso dalla CDU del Baden-Württemberg, ad esempio. Proprio questo eccessivo adattamento all'umore dell'elettorato locale, in uno Stato federale ma fortemente identitario come la Germania, ha messo in risalto le contraddizioni interne al party, resulting in an inevitable and physiological loss of confidence by the electorate less loyal.
The vote is obviously also a warning to Merkel, and indirectly the entire European Union: Although the engine has started to grind German GDP growth to levels unthinkable for other European economies, with inflation and unemployment under control, the German population has ill-born foreign policy of the federal government in European, judging negative Merkel's approach to the crisis the Greek crisis when Germany assumed the major financial burden without being able to impose on other states of the EU controls and penalties that are necessary to prevent a recurrence indiscriminate similar situations.
Surely the government can not ignore this important signal, and if the vote is confirmed in Hamburg, and proportions as a result of the consultations later, the German policy for the management of the crisis Irish and Portuguese may have sharp steering, with consequences for all EU countries.

If the party of Merkel crying, surely its ally, the FDP can least afford to smile. After a long absence from the parliament, in fact, the FDP exceeds the threshold of 5%, surpassing the Linke and glean as many as nine seats. The fact that part of the votes on the run from the CDU FDP have found a home in the well represents the failure of local political alliances of black-green la voglia di cristallizzare nella loro forma "naturale" le coalizioni di governo e in generale un desiderio di rinnovamento contro una CDU che non ha saputo fare altro che riproporre un sindaco che da principio si sapeva essere sgradito.

Proprio i verdi, i Grünen, si possono considerare gli altri sconfitti della tornata elettorale. Sebbene in grado di ottenere un buon 11%, in incremento di quasi due punti rispetto al 2008, il risultato è tutto sommato modesto rispetto al 15% di cui erano accreditati negli ultimi sondaggi: come nel caso della CDU, anche l'elettorato verde ha mal sopportato la scelta del partito di allearsi con un rivale storico a livello nazionale. A complicare le cose si aggiunge per il partito ecologica la grande vittoria della SPD, which can tap the absolute majority of the votes and to achieve an absolute majority of seats: although in all likelihood the government's land will be a red-green coalition, it is clear that the bargaining power of Grünen is greatly reduced compared to the previous composition of the regional parliament.

The triumph of the SPD is no doubt the other major key theme of the elections of February 20. A success, the largest in scope since 1982, can not be explained simply in terms of a disaffection to the CDU: The amount of votes obtained by the SPD, together with the choice of a candidate, Olaf Scholz, the son of politically Schröder, are proof that voters Hamburg have really turned the corner, rehabilitating the reformist left and its policy after being convicted a decade ago. The conquest of the absolute majority of seats redraw the relationship into the German center-left, inside the leadership seemed to be more poised, with Grünen who were dangerously close to the historical allies.

SPD's success stands out even more if one takes into account the Linke, the leftist party to its second appearance at the Hamburg election, was able to win the same percentage of votes in previous consultations. If Linke for this result can be considered objectively satisfactory spicca come lo straripamento della SPD non sia stato in grado di scalfire questo zoccolo duro di elettori, il che fa lievitare lo schieramento progressista, preso nel suo complesso, oltre il 65%.

Una menzione particolare, infine, per il giovane partito Piraten, in grado di passare dallo 0,2% del 2008 al 2,1% del 2011, risultando il primo partito tra gli esclusi dal Parlamento regionale ed una forza che difficilmente in futuro i partiti maggiori potranno ignorare.

L'affluenza, infine, ha fatto registrare un calo tutto sommato moderato rispetto al 2008, passando dal 63% al 57%. Proprio questo dato può essere considerato il più allarmante per la coalizione della Merkel: la sconfitta amburghese non può essere justified only in terms of shelter nell'astensionismo. A drop of 20 percentage points necessarily involves a flight to other parties, very seriously complicating the necessary recovery operations that the CDU will have to put in place to introduce the next elections without suffering more defeats of similar proportions.

Composition of the Parliament of Hamburg
after the 2011 elections

As you can see from the picture, the parliament is in the hands of the SPD, who won 62 seats. The absolute majority achieved by the formation of the center, tuttavia, è risicata (appena un seggio), quindi in realtà la soluzione più probabile è comunque una coalizione rosso-verde.
In realtà, dietro questa scelta, vi sarebbero anche calcoli politico-elettorali importanti: seppupre in questa tornata elettorale siano apparsi in affanno, i Grünen restano un partito chiave in molti lander  quali Bremen o il Baden-Württemberg, e incrinare i rapporti tra le due forze di centrosinistra, per di più in presenza di programmi elettorali abbastanza compatibili, in nome di un'autosufficienza neppure così solida, sarebbe un puro suicidio politico.

Trend elettorale in Sachsen-Ahnalt (dati Infratest Dimap)

Da non sottovalutare, infine, gli effetti sul Bundesrat: come conseguenza di queste elezioni tre elementi, di colpo, passano dalla maggioranza all'opposizione, riducendo la maggioranza pro-governo federale da 34 elementi a 31, in virtù di una maggioranza assoluta di 35. Al contrario gli elementi contrari al governo salgono a 24, mentre i neutrali restano 17. Il prossimo appuntamento è il 20 marzo, con le elezioni in Sachsen-Anhalt, un land da quattro parlamentari nel Bundesrat. Qui governa una coalizione CDU/SPD, cosa che posizione il land tra i neutrali.
Gli ultimi sondaggi della Infratest Dimap , risalenti a gennaio 2011, mostrano la CDU come primo partito tallonata dalla Linke; a distanza la SPD, mentre Grünen e FDP lottano per superare la soglia di sbarramento. La conventio ad excludendum nei confronti della Linke, unita al fatto che, essendo la sinistra estrema al di sopra della SPD come preferenze, avrebbe il diritto ad esprimere il governatore in un'eventuale coalizione rossa, rendono quasi certa la riedizione dell'alleanza CDU/SPD.
Alla SPD spetterà il difficile compito di capire se per i Tedeschi la Linke è ormai sdoganata ed è considerabile alla stregua di tutti gli altri partiti, oppure se il suo abbraccio in Sassonia rischia di strangolare le ambizioni del partito di Gabriel.

Ceiling Mount Shower Rod

There immunity and immunity

front page of The Independent of April 30, 1993

During the Council of Ministers No. 127 of 28 February 2011 the Government approved at 'consensus the report of the Minister of Justice, Angelino Alfano, the constitutional reform of justice, defined as an extraordinary CdM but presented in the following general guidelines.

Among the proposals being examined by the Executive is strongly back in vogue, driven by recent events involving judicial record of the Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, the theme immunity, and in particular the return of parliamentary form provided in the Constitution before 1993.

Article 68 of the Charter, in fact, was reformed by the Constitutional Act 3 of 29 October 1993, following the real avutesi popular uprisings in the first part of that year, after Parliament had attempted to block Craxi investigations by the judiciary.
In a game of historical courses and resorts, many protagonists of contemporary politics were there during those months, by popular acclaim to approve a constitutional reform in record time. There was Giorgio Napolitano, Speaker of the House, to mark the work, there was Pier Ferdinando Casini as speaker of the reform, there were D'Alema, Fini, Veltroni, and there were also members of the governing majority as Maroni, Bossi, La Russa, Gasparri. Bulgarian
With majorities in the House and Senate passed the law sent to the test of double reading, Article 68 of the Constitution was changed and the immunity was not the same.

The concept of immunity is present in the legal systems of almost all modern democracies, and attempts to reconcile the mandatory prosecution, the founding pillar of the fundamental principle of equality before the law, the independence of the political and judicial e la tutela della libertà di espressione dei rappresentanti del popolo.
Tra le varie tipologie di immunità, quella parlamentare si contraddistingueva per essere assoluta, ovvero indipendente dal reato commesso; extrafunzionale, riguardando solo la durata della carica; e processuale, in quanto non si nega lo stato di reato dell'eventuale crimine commesso dal parlamentare, ma solo la possibilità da parte dello Stato di esercitare il proprio diritto di coercizione.

L'articolo 68 della Costituzione, così come concepito dai padri costituenti, recitava infatti:

I membri del Parlamento non possono essere perseguiti per le opinioni espresse e i voti dati nell'esercizio delle loro funzioni.
Without authorization from the respective House, any member of Parliament may be prosecuted, nor may they be arrested or otherwise deprived of liberty or subjected to a personal search or home, unless they are caught in the act of committing a crime for which the warrant is required or the order of capture. Equal
authorization is required to take under arrest or retain in custody a member of Parliament in pursuance of a sentence also irrevocable.

The first paragraph, which itself seems to already be a form of total immunity, though limited parliamentary action, would actually have a major role protection of the elect, a Member can not be affected by its decision of a criminal in the House would vote parliamentary What, for example, an international mission in war-torn areas of the world if he knew of being accused of murder by relatives of possible victims ? This form of immunity, although of course subject to degeneration (if raise the legal limits of toxic increases the occurrence of cancer, the lawmaker is not liable for its decision), is necessary to ensure that representatives State can make the best decisions without worrying about the effects on a personal level. This immunity is called "absolute immunity" e ricopre l'intera attività parlamentare anche dopo la cessazione dalla carica.

Il secondo ed il terzo comma si occupano invece dell'immunità parlamentare vera e propria, quella processuale. Salvo il caso della flagranza di reato, un parlamentare non poteva essere imputato, perquisito o arrestato a meno di un'autorizzazione votata dalla Camera di appartenenza.
L'autorizzazione a procedere di fatto però consentiva un'estensione arbitraria del diritto all'insindacabilità, dal momento che il Parlamento negli anni arrivò ad abusare di questa opportunità, rifiutando sistematicamente le autorizzazioni a procedere tacciandole come interferenze del potere giudiziario in quello legislativo.

Questo fino alla popular uprising following the burst of the "Clean Hands and the enormity of the rejection by the House to the needs of the judiciary in the case of Craxi.

The current version of Article 68 of the Constitution, valid from 1993, says:

Members of Parliament can not be held accountable for the opinions expressed or votes cast in the exercise of their functions.
Without authorization from the respective House, any member of Parliament shall be subject to personal or home search, nor can they be arrested or otherwise deprived of liberty or kept in detention, except in the execution of a final conviction, or if caught in the act of committing a crime for which there is the arrest mandatory.
same authorization is required before members of Parliament to intercept, in any form of conversations or communications, and seizure of correspondence.

As can be seen in the first paragraph, the right all'insindacabilità has even been strengthened by the change: the shift from "can not be prosecuted" to "can not be held accountable" in fact generalizes and extends a guarantee of enjoyed Members of Parliament, where the first statement could be interpreted as a restriction on a purely criminal law area.

The real change Article can be found, however, the second and third paragraphs. The immunity from prosecution, as you can see, has not been taken, but watered down. Disappears, the words "no member of Parliament may be prosecuted," and now members of parliament can be brought to trial without leave of the House membership, but such authorizations remain viable for many ancillary still collecting evidence as a search or interceptions.

In fact, it is important to note that ordinary law through some parts of the immunity have been gradually reconstructed over time, perhaps the most significant example is the decree Law 535 8 September 1994 - later revoked - took off the court, to put it in the hands of the Chambers, the power to determine whether such facts would fall under the umbrella dell'insindacabilità, leaving only the judiciary the opportunity to raise a Look to the conflict of duties.
Equally important, in February 1996 was the extension of the necessity of agreement for the use of wiretaps in the case of indirect or words of parliamentarians emerged by chance during inercettazioni other users.

Despite this, the main change in Article 68 of the Constitution holds: today is a parliamentary process in a similar to that of any other citizen.
It is precisely this point that the Government wants to change, to return to the past. To prevent an elected official, if backed by a solid majority in the House, can be prosecuted for the duration of his political life.

A throwback incomprehensible in terms of the need for legal reform useless in a country where the priority, it being about justice, but should be the duration of the processes together with the certainty of the sentence and the application of the sentence.
But more needs and priorities for Italy have become coincident with those of the citizen Silvio Berlusconi, facing deadlines and il premier nel 2011 (processi Mills, Mediatrade e Rubygate) lasciano pochi dubbi su quale possa essere il reale fuoco che anima la furia riformatrice del Governo.

Wart Removal For Lips

Parliament blocked

Palazzo Montecitorio, sede della Camera dei Deputati

La recente separazione tra Fini e Berlusconi, unita alla progressiva riduzione del divario tra maggioranza ed opposizione alla Camera dei Deputati fino ad arrivare al sostanziale pareggio attuale, è alla base di meccanismi che esulano dalla semplice sopravvivenza del Governo e anzi impattano sulla vita quotidiana dell'Italia e degli Italiani.

Grazie data available on Normattiva it was possible to identify all the legislation enacted during the sixteenth term, encompassing with them:

• Decrees of the President of the Council of Ministers
• Decrees of the President of the Republic
• Law Decrees Decrees Legislative
• Read

This analysis therefore only remain outside the ministerial decrees.

Promulgation of legislative acts,
with details of the law, the Legislature XVI

As you can see from movements in the series Acts Legislativi", il mese di gennaio 2011, con i suoi tre provvedimenti approvati e con il pesantissimo calo rispetto ai mesi precedenti, consente una nuova preoccupante lettura degli eventi politici successivi alla votazione di fiducia del 14 dicembre.
Esaurita l'ordalia dei decreti di fine anno, infatti, il Parlamento si è trovato di fatto paralizzato, incapace di legiferare e di portare a conclusione gli iter legislativi necessari per l'approvazione degli atti. Se poi, invece degli atti legislativi nel complesso, si esaminano le leggi, ovvero lo strumento parlamentare per eccellenza, si vede come la crisi della capacità produttiva delle Aule sia iniziata in realtà molto prima, visto che è da dicembre 2009 che non si raggiunge ten and still share that the gap between the laws and acts Total it gradually increased during the term.
This data clearly stigmatizing parliamentary activity: a simple decision support government until there was a solid majority, and now the ' utter impasse.

Composition of legislative (2008)

Composition of legislative (2009)

Composizione dell'attività legislativa (2010)

Dall'esame dei grafici che mostrano l'evoluzione temporale dei lavori del Parlamento, si vede infatti come nel 2010 i decreti legislativi abbiano scalzato le leggi come tipologia di documento approvato.
L' iter  di un decreto legislativo è però molto diverso da quello di una legge: il Parlamento, infatti, si limita a verificare in Commissione l'aderenza del testo del decreto a quanto previsto dalla legge delega "contenitore", delegando di fatto l'attività legislativa al Governo.
Il prepotente incremento dell'uso dei decreti legislativi è la maggiore espressione del rapporto di subordinazione instauratosi tra Parlamento e Governo nel corso della XVI Legislatura.

Confronto mensile sull'approvazione delle leggi
nella XVI legislatura

Se, come visto, il numero totale di testi approvati dal Parlamento è sceso negli ultimi mesi, e se la percentuale delle leggi è a sua volta calata rispetto al totale, se può solo dedurre che le leggi siano fortemente diminuite nel 2010 rispetto agli anni precedenti.
Il fenomeno può in effetti essere perceived by comparing the passing of laws on a monthly basis.
As the chart shows, from July 2010 or the first rifts between Berlusconi and Fini, the legislative activity of Parliament has gradually started to drop below levels of previous years, reflecting the inability of the supervening legislative power to legislate in independently arising from the proposals by the Government.

parliamentary activity is thus reduced to the mere certification of the existence of a majority able to support the Government, but the data show undeniably the lack of a majority able to work for the country. The paralysis in the second half of 2010 has begun to affect the parliament, culminated in January 2011 of almost total inactivity (and that really total of the first half of February) is a symptom of the disease that eats the Country institutional, typhus stadium that would like to know if Berlusconi has the numbers or not stay in the saddle without question the actual ability to reform Italy that the Parliament could not express and is expressing.