Monday, January 3, 2011

Ndtv Eyebrows Shaping Demonstration,dvd



The President of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano

Like every year, on December 31 the President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, has turned to the Italians the usual end message years, an opportunity to express good wishes for the new year and at the same time take stock of the political situation.





The text of the speech is available on the website of the Presidency of the Republic to this link. As usual, here the original version is used as input to the Wordle tag cloud of .

Tag cloud Giorgio Napolitano's speech

As can be seen from tag cloud, and as the President himself emphasizes repeatedly in his speech, the core message Napolitano young people. The words "young", "Generations" and "future" are in fact the very backbone of presidential words, the words revolve around which all other concepts.
The numerous references to growth, cut debt, development and research, and the economy at large are in fact commensurate with the challenge, the need to not leave a debt on the shoulders of young public able to nip in the bud their expectations and aspirations. Similarly, the challenge for a European Union increasingly united and cohesive in terms of political ties in with the desperate need for institutions that can talk as equals with the United States, Japan and the so-called BRIC countries, in the near future where the mere national borders will no longer allow European countries to the necessary safeguards against ' not only economic and intrusiveness of the powerful Asian neighbors and Americans.
Always on young people should be then read yet another appeal to a more measured and constructive domestic policy - the keyword here is "unity." The policy now is to find points of contact on both youth and young people must be having a new way of doing politics.

Just the accents on the issue of accountability dei giovani distinguono il discorso di Napolitano da un qualsiasi appello un po' paternalista. Il Presidente della Repubblica riesce infatti a coniugare un quantomai necessario monito a combattere il disinteresse alla politica e alla res publica con l'esortazione ai giovani a impegnarsi in prima persona nella vita politica e sociale nel Paese, ad assumersi la responsabilità di mettere in gioco le proprie idee con i mezzi ed i riti democratici previsti dalla Costituzione.

Lo slancio di Napolitano verso il futuro rispecchia in pieno il ruolo e la missione spettanti al Presidente della Repubblica: custode dei valori della Costituzione e al tempo stesso padre della patria, figura super partes in grado di distaccarsi dai problemi quotas to give Italy a broad vision. Critics Napolitano to a certain lack of attention to the difficulties of current policies do not take the opportunity - almost a need - a figure with the stature and authority to draw the country tomorrow.
and the country of tomorrow, in a speech that focused on young people, is a country that can provide opportunities for achievement to its inhabitants, a country that, far from filling in a paternalistic and tormenting the lives of citizens, it instead makes the means to find themselves their own future.

The President's speech, however, it is impossible not to notice gaps. Not specifically designed the road ahead, not expressly condemns the parties exchanging seats and support offices in exchange for more or less legitimate, burying meritocracy. Does not highlight cases of barony in health care or at school, does not indicate that what are the points where politics should intervene to cure a sick society as one in which we live, simple design, from hard data - the numbers unemployment, especially among the young - what should be the end point, a company designed on the dictates of the Constitution.
if any, in these silences, maybe see a bit of laziness, it is nevertheless impossible not to note that any attempt to dictate the political agenda would be was an interference in the prerogatives of Parliament and Government: President of the Republic is the guardian of the Constitution, and in this role is his right - and duty - to push towards the full realization of the values \u200b\u200bof the Charter of the method, timing and However, beyond the priorities of its task.

It is up to politicians to translate into reality the dream described by Napolitano in his New Year wishes. Our hope is that they know it.

Wednesday, December 29, 2010

Choppers For Sale Jesse James

Good Laws of Robotics and Italian politics and to administrative

Science fiction author Isaac Asimov

DISCLAIMER: Article below shows e commentati passaggi dei racconti EVIDENCE (1946) e THE EVITABLE CONFLICT (1950), di Isaac Asimov

1 - A robot may not injure a human being or, through inaction, allow a human being to come to harm.
2 - A robot must obey any orders given to it by human beings, except where such orders would conflict with the First Law.
3 - A robot must protect its own existence as long as such protection does not conflict with the First or Second Law.

Pochi artifici letterari sono divenuti famosi nel mondo quanto le Tre Leggi della Robotica ideate da Isaac Asimov, celeberrimo quanto prolifico scrittore di fantascienza - ma sarebbe riduttivo limitare la sua attività di romanziere a tale ambito - di origine russa trapiantato negli Stati Uniti.

Le Leggi della Robotica, nei libri di Asimov, sono motore e spartiacque nelle capacità decisionali dei robot , esseri artificiali costruiti dall'uomo per servizio e compagnia.
Molti dei racconti più famosi di Asimov si basano sul rapporto e l'influenza reciproca tra le Tre Leggi, oppure sulle loro applicazioni più inaspettate. Esplorando i confini del campo di azione delle Leggi Asimov arriva a sondare le contraddizioni intrinseche nella stessa moralità umana, poiché, come cita la robopsicologa Susan Calvin nel racconto EVIDENCE,

Per esprimermi semplicemente dirò che se Byerley segue tutte le Leggi della Robotica può essere un robot, but may be only an exemplary man.

The Three Laws of Robotics are actually modeled on morals and ethics as conceived by the Western society of the twentieth century. They are a yardstick and action for individuals and for agglomerations of individuals are: community, sports teams, clubs ... political parties.
By analyzing the Italian situation in the light of the Three Laws of Robotics can actually provide a convincing explanation of the progressive degeneration of supply policy during the Second Republic, with its reduction to the stadium and slogans for the fight - metaphorically, fortunately - between armed factions.

The theme, in fact, was already been touched by the same story in Asimov EVITABLE THE CONFLICT, 1950. Published for the first time in the magazine Astounding Science Fiction and later in the anthologies I, ROBOT (1950), THE COMPLETE ROBOT (1982) and ROBOT VISIONS (1990), in this story the world is dominated by machines, specializing in very advanced robot 'optimizing the management of the world economy, from agricultural production to the extraction of raw materials to trade.
The presence of some minor errors into account in the ordinary administration of the planet convinces the World Byerley Coordinator to seek the advice of the robopsicologa Susan Calvin to see if there may be problems in machines tali da mettere a repentaglio, vista la responsabilità demandata ai robot , il futuro stesso dell'umanità.
I viaggi di Byerley e i pregnanti ragionamenti della Calvin porteranno infine i due a comprendere come le Macchine stiano essenzialmente interpretando la Prima Legge in senso esteso all'intera umanità - permettendo quindi che il singolo essere umano possa ricevere danno se questo serve a migliorare le prospettive dell'intero genere umano - e che i supposti malfunzionamenti altro non erano che azioni operate dalle Macchine per proteggere sé stesse.
In questo particolare racconto di Asimov si assiste quindi al collasso della Terza Legge all'interno della Prima. Poiché le Macchine sanno cosa sia il meglio for humanity, and because the machines are the only sentient beings to be able to guide humanity towards the future, then the very survival of the machine becomes an inseparable part of the definition of what is good for humans.

The link with the Italian politics of the first years of the millennium, although not evident, is strong and undeniable.
Every political party shall be considered by us the last bulwark against catastrophe, on the one hand, and authoritarian populist drift of Berlusconi for those who do not like the Knight, the other the destruction of private initiative and the "Sovietization" of the economy by those who do not like the left.
Each faction is seen then as the only lifeline for the country, and precisely because of the mechanism described above will start to increase the importance, in its scope, its survival and its maintenance in place.
The exercise of power becomes a last resort aimed at the preservation of the same pure, or at least to prevent their loss. The politics of polls, the big ads, promises pull-out occasions symbol, but also purely electoral alliances empty of content, links with powerful groups of dubious stature but bearers of votes: Italian politics is full of examples that see those elected in office, national and local, more struggling with the need not to hand over power to the opponent than with the actual work of government.
pursue the good of the city and gain / maintain power at the expense of the opponent - which in politics is often synonymous with survival as a party - then they become two objectives coincide.

Italian politics, dropped in the universe of science fiction story, is the clash between two different machines, each of which sees the proposed road on the other as negative, and considers its access to power, better access to the other machine regardless of the achievement of goals.
This is the basic reason for this partisanship-a logic that has characterized the country's recent history of poverty and policy made the offer to the citizens to move the masses to vote, the parties have gradually resting on the exploitation of fear of sending power to the opponent rather than renew and refine the arrows to his bow.

What then distinguishes human institutions from Asimov's machines? Of course, the fallibility.
The machines, due to their positronic brain - and of course the author's imagination and the will - actually know what is best for man. Politicians do not. They offer suggestions, ideas, dreams, but all things are immanent, fallible and subject to assessment by the people and the empirical evidence of the facts. For this reason produces bitterness
see political parties as if this self-preservative depended the salvation of the country without really such a need is actually proven.
And for this reason we must unmask the tendency for self-preservation than it is: not being parties Machines asimoviane, can not be limited to the threat of the opponent's victory to publicize the excellence of its proposal. Self-preservation is only meant to hide the poverty of supply policy, and must be strenuously resisted.

Even sixty years ago the genius of Isaac Asimov had highlighted the danger of power that identifies the good of the governed, with its own term in office (risk that turns into a dream only in the case of machines, all-knowing and really dedicated to nature the good man).
Today, in Italy, we are tasting the bitter fruits of this sad scenario.

Monday, December 27, 2010

Coaxial Cables Bikini

: Torino

The Mole

Among the cities where in 2011 local elections will be held in Turin is probably the one where the electoral machine is moving more delay.

After forfeit the Rector of the Polytechnic, Perfume, has unleashed a whirlwind of real names in the center that only these days is focusing around the names Fassino, Placido, and Gariglio Ardito, pending and Tricarico a name as yet unknown proportion in SEL.
The center seems to oscillate between Coppola and the Cup, but now his strategy is extremely reliable, as if also waiting for the primary center at the time fixed for February 13.

This provides omit in this first analysis of the effect, if any candidate, to focus on coalition forces in Turin. A
this link is an excel with the results of regional elections in 2005, 2006 policies, municipal 2006, 2008 policies, provincial 2009 and 2010 as reported by the regional electoral service 1 Turin Municipality: All elections of the last six years with the exception of 2009 European, just to consider only the elections where you point to the election of a single judge loads. Given its strong personalistic political elections in the Second Republic allows, from this point of view, comparable to the elections.

Comparison
center-center in the town of Turin (2005 - 2010)

The picture that emerges is clear enough: Turin is a city center. In the elections considered the center ranged between 46.14% and 63.62% (average 54.95%, SD standard 6,91%), mentre il centrodestra ha ottenuto una forbice che spazia tra il 32,16% ed il 42,47% (media 38,37%, deviazione standard 3,45%).

È bene evidenziare il fatto che per consultazioni elettorali differenti i concetti di centrodestra e centrosinistra sono a loro volta differenti: la geometria e la composizione delle coalizioni è variata più volte nel corso degli anni, e con essa la presenza o meno delle cosiddette terze forze.

Facendo i dati riferimento ai risultati ottenuti dalle liste e non dai candidati, la bassa deviazione standard che emerge osservando i dati del centrodestra permette di trarre una prima importante conclusione: i risultati di tale coalizione restano grosso modo sempre gli stessi indipendentemente dalla competizione elettorale. Questo significa che il numero di votanti della coalizione di centrodestra, a Torino, è fortemente correlato con il numero dei votanti in generale, e l'affluenza non ha pertanto grossi impatti su questa parte politica.
Al contrario, è evidente che il fenomeno del non-voto - così come il diverso richiamo alle urne che suscitano competizioni di tipo differente - provoca di volta in volta delle oscillazioni piuttosto sensibili sulla coalizione di centrosinistra, ribadendo il cronico problema che attanaglia questa parte politica da diversi anni a questa parte, ovvero la capacità o meno di portare alle urne i propri simpatizzanti.

Se si osserva nel dettaglio il rapporto tra i partiti coalition, it becomes interesting to measure the progress on the one hand and between PDL League, and the other one between PD and IdV SEL.

Value
PDL-League in the City of Turin (2005 - 2010)

Report PD-IDV-SEL
in the City of Turin (2005 - 2010)

In the main we see both sides, after 2008, to a sudden and violent decline of the major parties (PDL and PD) in favor of the minority forces (from League one hand and IdV and SEL the other).
The cause behind this phenomenon is obvious: If you look at the trend IDV there is a violent break between 2006 and 2008 with a shift from less than 10,000 votes more than 30,000 preference, between 2008 and 2010, However, sympathy for the Di Pietro's party remained on a level stable. A similar, even in terms of numbers, can be made for the Northern League, while the Left Ecology and Freedom presents a time series is too short to be taken into consideration in this analysis.
The stability of the League and IDV, compared with an increase of their weight in the coalition, it implies that there is a diaspora of consensus in the PD and PDL, while it compensates a livello di rapporti di forza tra le coalizioni, dall'altro muta in maniera molto evidente la composizione delle coalizioni stesse.
Ancora più importante, questa analisi permette di capire come il principale nemico di PD e PdL sia l'astensionismo. Il cannibalismo che Lega e IdV hanno esercitato all'interno delle rispettive coalizioni non è legato ad un vero e proprio travaso di consensi, ma alla capacità di mantenere - senza accrescere - il proprio elettorato mentre quello dei partiti "maggiori" calava o si disperdeva su altre formazioni.
Naturalmente non bisogna dimenticare un certo margine di errore nei risultati ottenuti, dovuto alla presenza o all'assenza di liste civiche all'interno delle coalizioni, liste che storicamente "pescano" more evident in larger parties. The trend is undeniable, however.

results obtained from center-
in the City of Turin (2005 - 2010)
Click to view the animation

results obtained from center-
in the City of Turin (2005 - 2010)
Click to view the animation

Breakdown constituencies in
City of Turin (2005 - 2010)
Click to view the animation

Looking at the scenario from a national point of view of geography, we see how the center is able to prevail only in the most central area of \u200b\u200bTurin (District I : Center - crosses) and to be close to balance in the District VIII (San Salvario - Borgo Po - Cavoretto). In the rest of the city center prevail without too much difficulty, especially in its strongholds of division II, V and X.


weight of divisions in the City of Turin (2005-2010)

Considering, finally, the relative weight of divisions, we capture some hints of trend - the rise and fall of the VI to VIII all - a view, however, substantially stable, a sign that the differences in turnout related to the different electoral competitions and developments affecting the phenomenon of abstention in a fairly uniform at the city level, and fairly unrelated election on the composition of the sample formed by the inhabitants of a given area. You get so
an apparent contradiction: the variability of the vote has greatest impact on the left, yet the size of constituencies remains unchanged, suggesting a proportional participation in spite of the various districts of Turin present results also very different. You do not see significant decreases in substance representing the constituencies of the Left in conjunction with the elections that have given the worst outcome for the progressive coalition.
In fact, these two data allow to better frame the phenomenon of abstention relatively Turin area: there is a problem - at least not the main problem - from the historical basis of the party, but on the contrary there is much disappointment the so-called middle class, progressive, people on the left not so much out of revenge, social or historical necessity, but for the ideal of a better world, more eco-friendly, fairer, more meritocratic.
A band of the electorate that is not sold yet geographically large enough to determine the outcome of the heavily next electoral contest.



1: The site of the City of Turin becomes part of the sources of the blog

Tuesday, December 7, 2010

Shoulder Pain In Pregnancy Does It Come And Go

Devil of a boss

Police blitz against the Chinese mafia in Prato's Chinatown: the budget is 16 arrests of 'Satan operation. The raid was triggered in the night between Saturday 5th and Sunday, December 6, about 70 police provincial command of the Meadow with the help of soldiers of the Sixth Battalion of Tuscany and Montebelluna, they performed 16 of the 19 arrest warrants issued by the investigating magistrate in prison Florence Court of Dda on a proposal of the capital. The recipients of the orders are all Chinese and the alleged offenses, linked by bonds of mafia-type association , robbery, extortion, usury, abusive use of financial activity, kidnapping for extortion, drug dealing. E 'first point out the police - which are performed in Prato arrest warrants against persons in custody popular Chinese-held belonging to mafia-type criminal association.

The survey party in 2009 and the military have found a real mafia-type association, consisting of a group of Chinese domiciled in Prato, originating in Zhejiang and Fujian . More than fifty people, including members, followers and supporters, in an armed gang - guns, knives and machetes - who, with robbery, extortion, usury, kidnapping, drug dealing had come to look in the Chinese community in Prato both regular and commercial activities submerged.

The summit of the Association, a 35 year-old, known under the name of "Anu", respected and feared leader, shy, demanded absolute obedience . The task to disseminate its guidance to the lower ranks were assigned to two trusted lieutenants and Xigei Agen, while a woman Anian had the central role of accounting, in fact, the book of accounts held with the exits and entrances of the gambling den, loans and schedules of debt.

At the lowest level then there was the "armed wing". And under his leadership the organization imposed by threats and violent retaliation lace in Chinatown Prato, using the same violence against rival groups: up to create a climate of terror and total silence, so the victims do not report to law enforcement. The eastern district is in fact a large market where, in addition to legal exercises, many also live "shopkeepers" unlicensed practice massage, do HAIRDRESSER, sell merchandise of all kinds, are taxi drivers using their cars, homes run prostitution, sewing contractors in precarious conditions, make an apartment a "guest", occupational medical specialist in the absence of the necessary licenses (including the practice of illegal abortions) take on illegal immigrants and try to stay away from the Italians.

After noting the power of Anu and his, the inhabitants of "Chinatown" hanno presto 'accettato' di pagare il 'dazio'. La "base operativa" del gruppo una villetta bifamiliare con annessa una bisca clandestina, gestita in prima persona dal Capo, e molto fruttuosa. La "direzione" della "casa da gioco" concedeva anche prestiti, ovviamente usurai con interessi giornalieri pari all'1% della cifra originaria. Per chi non pagava, minacce, riscossioni coattive, atti di violenza o rapimenti fino a dover cedere negozi.
(fonte: ApCom)